The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Memoirs of Charles-Lewis, Baron de Pollnitz, Volume IV

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The Memoirs of Charles-Lewis, Baron de Pollnitz, Volume IV

Author: Freiherr von Karl Ludwig Pöllnitz

Release date: January 7, 2012 [eBook #38519]
Most recently updated: January 25, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Robert Connal, Henry Gardiner and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at
http://gallica.bnf.fr)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEMOIRS OF CHARLES-LEWIS, BARON DE POLLNITZ, VOLUME IV ***

Transcriber’s Note: The original publication has been replicated faithfully except as listed here.

The text conforms to changes in window size.

THE

MEMOIRS

OF

CHARLES-LEWIS,

Baron de Pollnitz.

BEING

The OBSERVATIONS He made in his
late Travels from Prussia, through

POLAND,
GERMANY,
ITALY,
FRANCE,
SPAIN,
FLANDERS,
HOLLAND,
ENGLAND, &c.

Discovering not only the PRESENT STATE
of the Chief Cities and Towns;

BUT

The CHARACTERS of the Principal Persons at the Several COURTS.

VOL. IV.

LONDON:

Printed for Daniel Browne, at the Black Swan, without Temple-Bar;
and John Brindley, at the King’s-Arms, in New Bond-street.

M. dcc. xxxviii.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

MEMOIR1

APPENDIX301

INDEX356  

MEMOIRS

OF THE

Baron De Pollnitz.

VOL. IV.

To Madame De ——.

The Conduct of the Court of Spain, tho’ it really made the Court of Vienna uneasy, did not hinder the Emperor from carrying on the War against the Turks with Vigour: And Heaven so prosper’d the Imperial Arms, that in 1718 Prince Eugene gain’d the most signal Victory near Belgrade that the Christians could have hop’d for. Soon after that Battle the victorious Troops reduc’d Belgrade, and at length the Turks were forc’d to sue for a Peace: While every Thing seem’d to have a Tendency that way, Spain put to Sea the most formidable Fleet she had ever equipp’d since that unfortunate one call’d, The Invincible Armado; and sent it to the Coast of Sicily, where it put a numerous Army on Shore, under Command of the Marquis de Lede. The Count de Maffei Viceroy of the Kingdom for the Duke of Savoy, who was King of Sicily, made all the Resistance possible, considering the Weakness of his Army; and tho’ not able to save the Island, yet he made such a Defence as hinder’d the Spanish Army from pushing its Conquests farther by giving Time to Admiral Bing, who commanded the English Fleet, to enter the Mediterranean, and execute the Orders he had to attack the Spanish Fleet. These Orders imported, that he was to act in a friendly manners in case that Spain desisted from its Enterprizes against the Neutrality of Italy; but otherwise to make a vigorous Resistance. Admiral Bing communicated these Orders to Cardinal Alberoni, who answer’d him gravely, That he had nothing to do but to put them in Execution. The Admiral did so with a Vengeance; for on the 11th of August he gave Battle to the Spanish Fleet, and intirely defeated it. As soon as the Duke Regent was inform’d of the News, he sent away a Courier to the French Ambassador at Madrid, with Letters from the Earl of Stairs to the English Ambassador Earl Stanhope. The Design of his Royal Highness was to engage the latter to return to Madrid, from whence he set out on the 27th of August, that he might make fresh Instances there for a Peace with Cardinal Alberoni, who to be sure was a little stunn’d at this Reverse of Fortune. But the Earl, whether he did not meet the Courier, or whether he did not think it proper to return to Spain, arriv’d at Paris on the 9th of September.

Mean Time the War betwixt the Emperor and the Turks was at an End, and Orders were actually given for sending the Imperial Troops into Italy. The Regent despairing at that Time of persuading the King of Spain to a Peace, order’d the Abbat du Bois, the French Ambassador at London, to sign the Treaty commonly call’d The Quadruple Alliance, in Conjunction with the Ambassadors of England and the Emperor. He also repeated his Orders to the Duke of St. Aignan, to try all the means imaginable to prevail on the King of Spain to accede to the Terms that were propos’d to him by the Quadruple Alliance; but his Catholic Majesty persisted so long in his Refusal, that his Royal Highness resolv’d to declare War against him, and the Duke of St. Aignan had Orders to demand his Audience of Leave.

At that Time the Regent happily discover’d a Conspiracy that was form’d against him in the very Heart of the Kingdom. The King of England had before appriz’d him, that there was some Contrivance on Foot; but the Names of the Conspirators, and what they were to do, was a Secret. Mean time the Regent suspecting that all these Intrigues were only fomented by the Minister of Spain, he caus’d the Prince de la Cellamare, Ambassador from that Crown, to be so narrowly watch’d that he was soon let into the Secret of the whole Intrigue carrying on against him, which was in short no less than to remove him from the Regency. The Spanish Minister for the better Success had caus’d a Body of Troops to be assembled in France, where they stroll’d about like Fellows that dealt in unlicens’d Salt, and other Contraband Goods; but upon a particular Day they were to enter Paris, invest the Royal Palace, and to secure the Person of the Regent. The Conspiracy was detected almost at the same Instant that it was to have been executed; and of this the Prince de Cellamare himself was partly the Cause; not that I suspect him of having betray’d the Spanish Minister, but probably he was too credulous of every one that came to him; for I was told, that the Pacquet containing the whole Mystery of the Conspiracy, and the Names of the Conspirators, was put into the Hands of the Abbat Portocarrero, in Presence of a Couple of Domesticks, whose infidelity was not perhaps Proof against the Lewidors of the Royal Palace. Besides, this Abbat, tho’ a Person of Merit, had not perhaps Experience or Wisdom enough to behave as was absolutely necessary in so ticklish an Affair. Be this as it will, he set out for Madrid with such Dispatches committed to his Care as contain’d the Fortunes of a great Number of People. He had not travell’d far, when, as he was passing a Ford, his Chaise broke, and he had like to have been drown’d; but notwithstanding the Danger of his Person, he seem’d to be more in Pain for his Trunk than for his Life. This Earnestness for the Preservation of his Trunk gave a Suspicion to those who attended him; and the Spies whom the Regent had planted upon him, advertis’d that Prince of it time enough for him to give his Orders to the Commandant of Poictiers to cause him to be arrested, and his Trunk to be secur’d. The Abbat was accordingly arrested[1], and brought back to Paris. The Prince de Cellamare, being inform’d of what had pass’d, claim’d the Trunk, saying it contain’d the Memoirs of his Embassy: He was given to understand, that his Word was not to be taken, and the Trunk being open’d at the Royal Palace, there was all the Scheme of the Conspiracy, and the List of the Persons that were enter’d into it. The Thing that gave the Regent most Vexation was, to see the Names of Persons there, upon whom he had heap’d his Favours. His Royal Highness acted in this delicate Conjuncture with all the Moderation possible, and his Behaviour was in every Respect so discreet, that it was hardly discernible that any Thing extraordinary was passing in France; he caus’d the Abbat Portocarrero to be releas’d, as an insignificant Tool; but as to the Prince de Cellamare, he was invited to a Conference at the Royal Palace, to which he no sooner arriv’d, but Messengers were sent to clap a Seal on his Effects. The Ministers went with him afterwards to his own House, where he was surpriz’d to find a Guard that was charg’d to be answerable for his Person. Some Days after this, all his Papers were examin’d, and Three Boxes were fill’d with them in his Presence, which were seal’d and carry’d to the Louvre, there to be kept till the King of Spain sent Persons that he could confide in to fetch them. At length on the 13th of December, the Prince de Cellamare set out from Paris with a Guard: As for the Smugglers, they vanish’d as soon as the Conspiracy was brought to Light: All this pass’d in the Month of December, 1718.

The 29th of the same Month the Duke and Duchess of Maine were arrested: The Duke had been the Day before to pay a Visit to the Duchess of Orleans at the Royal Palace, and stay’d there Three Hours, after which he return’d to lye at Seaux; where next Morning a Lieutenant of the Guards came and told him, that he had Orders to carry him under a strong Guard to the Castle of Dourlens. The same Day at Seven in the Morning, the Marquis D’Ancenis, who was Captain of the Guards after the Death of his Father the Duke of Charost, during whose Life he had the Post in Reversion, had an Order to arrest the Duchess of Maine: This Officer had supp’d but the Night before with the Princess, and stayed with her very late; guess then how he must be surpriz’d when he came Home, and found the Letter de Cachet or Warrant, which put him upon an Office that he would have been glad to be excused from serving; but the Order must be obeyed, and therefore he went next Day to the Princess’s Apartment, who was then in Bed, as were also her Ladies; so that the Servants were very much startled to see M. D’Ancenis there again so early, and scrupled at first to awake the Duchess; but, as they imagined the Marquis was come about an Affair of great Consequence, the Ladies let him in: The Princess, being wak’d out of her Sleep by the Noise of the Door, as it open’d, ask’d, Who was there? M. D’Ancenis having told her his Name, she said to him hastily, Oh! my God! What have I done to you, that you should disturb me so soon in the Morning? He then told her the melancholy Commission that he was sent upon. They say, her Ladyship was much more provok’d at this Disgrace than the Duke her Husband; and she could not help dropping some Words which shew’d plain enough that she was impatient under her Misfortune. However, she was quickly dress’d, and getting into a Coach with Three of her Waiting-Women, she was conducted to the Castle of Dijon: All her chief Domestics were committed, some to the Bastille, and others to Vincennes. The Prince of Dombes and the Count de Eu were banish’d to Eu, where they had so much Liberty however, that this Change of Fortune had not altogether the Air of Disgrace. As for Maidemoiselle de Maine, the Princess of Conty took her Home with her. The Cardinal de Polignac, who was very much attach’d to the Family of Maine, also shar’d their Fate; for he was banish’d to his Abbey of Anchin, and had but Two Hours allow’d him to set his Affairs in Order.

While these Things pass’d in France, the King of Spain, or rather his Minister, caus’d the Duke of St. Aignan, the Ambassador of France, to be very ill treated, who having taken Leave of the King and Queen, stay’d some Days longer to settle his domestic Affairs, perhaps also to see what Turn Things would take, in case the King of Spain, who was then dangerously ill, should die. I am assur’d that the King having told him, that by his Will he left the Regency to the Queen and Cardinal Alberoni, the Ambassador made Answer, That his Testamentary Settlement might probably be of as little Effect as Lewis XIV’s was. This Answer displeas’d the Cardinal, who thought of nothing but of being reveng’d; and indeed some time after, the Marquis de Grimaldo, Secretary of State, went to the Duke of St. Aignan, and signify’d an Order to him from the King, to leave Madrid in Twenty-four Hours, and the Kingdom in Twelve Days. ’Twas 10 o’Clock at Night when this Order was notify’d, and next Day, viz. the 14th of December, at 7 o’Clock in the Morning, the Ambassador’s House was surrounded by a Party of Life-Guards, commanded by an Exempt, who having plac’d Centinels at all the Doors of his Lodging, enter’d the Duke’s Apartment, who was still a-bed with his Duchess, made them dress themselves with all Speed, and then conducted them out of the City.

Cardinal Alberoni, who did not yet know, that the Plot he had laid was discover’d, wrote with Speed to the Prince of Cellamare, that he might guess what to expect after the Treatment that had been shewn to the Ambassador of France; tho’ he told him, that ought not to be a Reason for using him in the same manner, and that the Duke de St. Aignan’s Misbehaviour had made it necessary to take that Course with him. He exhorted him not to stir from Paris, till he was compell’d to it by Force, nor even then, till he had made all the convenient Protests. He said to him in the Conclusion, Put the Case that your Excellency be oblig’d to go, you will first set Fire to all your Mines. Little did he think how terribly they were at that Time countermin’d!

This Letter, which was a farther Confirmation of the Prince de Cellamare’s Conspiracy, and the Affront put upon the Ambassador of the most Christian King, intirely convinc’d the Regent, that the Spanish Minister was resolv’d to go all Lengths. War was declar’d on both Sides, in which Spain did not come off with Honour. I shall have further Occasion to speak of it to you some Time hereafter.

I am next to give you an Account, how it far’d with myself at this Time: Tho’ I had no Hand in this Plot, yet I was shrewdly suspected; for several Conferences were held at my House: I was intimate with those who were deepest in the Secret, and in Fine, whether it proceeded from Prudence, or from a Panic, I resolv’d to take Care of myself. I set out from Paris in a very great Hurry, with a Design to repair to the Palatine Court, and stay there till the Storm was quite over. I went to Germany thro’ Lorrain, but had much ado to get thither, because I had no Passport, and Orders were arriv’d from Court, to stop all that travell’d without one; I therefore thought of the following Stratagem.

About a League from Toul, which is the last Place in France, I feign’d myself sick, that I might have some colour for halting there, and dismissing my Postilion. At that Village I lay all Night, and rising very early next Morning, I told my Landlady that I would go to Toul on Foot, and desir’d her to send my Boots according to a Direction I left with her. My Design was to go into Toul as a Townsman; for I hop’d, that my being on Foot, and not having the Air of a Traveller, I should pass without Molestation; but I was quite mistaken; for the Guard stopp’d me, and ask’d me, Who I was, and, Wither I was bound? I said, That I was a German, that I had been the Valet de Chambre of a German Nobleman, who dy’d at Paris, and that I was returning from thence Homewards. The Officer carry’d me before the King’s Lieutenant, who, I thought, was a mere Brute; yet I think I should be in the Wrong to complain, for I gave myself out for a Footman, and really as such he treated me: He put several Questions to me, which I always made Answer to like a most submissive Lackey, in Hopes of soothing his sullen Humour; but nothing could defend me from his Reproaches: You are not a Footman, said he, I rather believe you are some Bankrupt; therefore tell me the Truth, or I’ll instantly throw you into a Dungeon. I still affirm’d, that I was a Footman; but the Lieutenant, not well pleas’d with my Answer, committed me to the Guard-House, where he left me Five or Six Hours, and then sent me Word, that I might go to an Inn: I was conducted thither by a Soldier, who was always a Guard upon me, and next Day carry’d me again before the King’s Lieutenant, who took me into his Closet, and told me, ’Twas to no Purpose for me to think of concealing myself any longer from him; for that he was just inform’d who I was, by a Person who knew me. I own, Madame, that I began to be afraid, yet I stood to my Text still, with all the Assurance that could be. He then call’d one of his Domestics, and bid him fetch the Man that knew me; but ’twas well for me, that this Person had no Existence but in his Imagine. Mean Time he seem’d to be out of Patience that he did not come; and at last told me, that I must return to the Guard-House, and not stir from thence till I had fully satisfy’d him who and what I was. Then I happen’d to hit upon an Expedient which prov’d a lucky one; I told him, That I was very willing to remain in Custody till I had receiv’d an Answer from the Landlady of the Inn where my Master dy’d, who would make good what I had affirm’d. Upon this he order’d Paper to be given me; and I wrote in short to my Landlady at Paris, by the Name of a Valet de Chambre, whom I left there when I came away. As she was a Woman of quick Apprehension, and knew my Hand-Writing, I persuaded myself that she would easily comprehend the Meaning of it. When my Letter was finish’d, I shew’d it to the King’s Lieutenant, who read it, and told me, That he would undertake both for its Delivery, and an Answer to it. In the mean Time he remanded me back to my Inn, and in Two Hours after, sent to tell me, that I might pursue my Journey. You will naturally imagine, that I took him at the first Word. I accordingly walk’d out of Toul on Foot, but I hir’d a Horse at a Village belonging to the Principality of Elbœuf, and went to Nancy, where I had the Precaution to provide myself with a Passport, which the Innkeeper, where I lay, procur’d me, by the Name of a certain Merchant of that City. I did not think fit to go to Strasbourg, where perhaps I might have been known; but went to Haguenau; from thence to Fort Louis, where I pass’d the Rhine; and at last arriv’d at Heidelberg in the Beginning of the Year 1719.

The Palatine Court resided at Heidelberg[2], but ’twas not the same Elector that I had the Honour to mention to you before, for he was dead, and was succeeded by his Brother Prince Charles, who kept a numerous and magnificent Court, and was the Darling of all his Family. He was so good to his Domestics, that there are few such to be found among Princes; and yet without debasing his Rank, of which he understood every Part of its Dignity, and perfectly knew how to have the Respect paid that was due to him: Being withal generous, good-natur’d, affable and charitable; he lov’d People should speak to him with Freedom. He was very regular in his Conduct, even to a Degree of Devotion, yet in no respect an Enemy to Pleasures; on the contrary, he often procured them for his Court; and he was especially fond of Dancing, which he perform’d indeed too well for a Prince.

The Elector has had Two Wives, but he has had only one Child, a Daughter, marry’d to the Hereditary Prince of Sultzbach, who is the Elector’s presumptive Heir. She is a very lovely Princess, tho’ somewhat pitted with the Small Pox; she is not tall, but perfectly well-shap’d; she is complete Mistress of every Thing which young Princesses are usually taught; she dances and sings with a very good Grace, and especially the Italian Airs, which she plays at the same time to Perfection upon the Harpsichord. The Prince her Husband was a clever handsome Man, and his Outside was a sufficient Indication of his Endowments: He had so grave an Air, that one would be apt to suspect him of a little Austerity, yet this did not render him a whit the less polite; and, above all Things, he was very civil to Foreigners. He shew’d an extraordinary Respect to the Elector, who, on his Part, gave him all the possible Marks of a Tenderness for him. This young Prince had a Son by this Marriage, who dwelt at Neubourg, where he had been brought up; it being apprehended that the Fatigues of Travelling would be hurtful to his Health, but, notwithstanding this Precaution, the young Prince dy’d in 1724.

The Elector was a very early Riser; as soon as he was up, he spent some Time in Prayer; then the Great Chamberlain or Grand Master of the Wardrobe talk’d to him about Affairs of State, or such as were Domestic; when those Gentlemen were retir’d, the Prince employed himself in reading Dispatches, or in Writing; after which he dress’d himself: About 11 o’Clock he went to Mass, accompany’d by the Prince his Son-in-Law, and the Princess his Daughter: When he held a Council there, ’twas after Mass was over: Upon other Days he play’d at Billiards till Dinner-time, which held a long while, and sometimes a little too much was drank at it; which indeed they could not well help, the Wine there was so delicious. After Dinner was over, his Electoral Highness went with the Princess his Daughter to her Apartment, where he stay’d a little while, and then retir’d to his own, where he caus’d himself to be undress’d, and went to Bed for a few Hours. About 5 or 6 o’Clock in the Evening he was dress’d, after which he gave public Audiences, or else apply’d himself to something in his Study. At 7 o’Clock he went into the Assembly Room, where he found the Princess and the whole Court; and after having chatted some Time, he sate down to Picquet, or to a Pair of Tables; but when the Game was over, he retired, and the Princess went to Supper.

In the Afternoon, when the Elector was withdrawn, the Princess went into her Lady of Honour’s Apartment, where there was always a great Assembly, and often a Concert, in which the Princess sung some Italian Song or other, together with Signora Claudia, one of her Waiting-Women. This little Concert was made up also of some Musicians selected out of the Elector’s Band, and is one of the completest that I ever heard. The Prince of Sultzbach assisted at it sometimes; but he most commonly retir’d to his Apartment at the same Time that the Elector did to his.

As these Two Princes shew’d me great Marks of their Goodness, the Courtiers too, in Imitation of their Masters, were mighty civil to me: I was invited to the best Houses, and treated every Day with grand Feasts, and fresh Parties of Pleasure; and in a Word I pass’d the little Time I stay’d at Heidelberg very pleasantly. I was so charm’d with that Court, that I had a great Mind to put in for some Employment there; and for that end I engag’d some Persons, who I thought could do me most Service; but notwithstanding the Courtiers seem’d so fond of me, I found a Cabal in my Way, which was powerful enough to hinder me from obtaining my Wish. These were, to my Misfortune, Persons of very good Credit, who did not care to see any body in Place, but such, as they knew, would truckle to them. The Great Chamberlain, to whom I plainly saw I was not acceptable, was one of those who made the greatest Opposition to my Advancement. ’Tis true, that I drew his Resentment upon me by my own Rashness and Folly: For one Day, as I was attending the Elector from the Princess’s Apartment to his own, I went into a Room which, according to the Custom of the Court, no body was permitted to enter, except the Great Chamberlain; but this was more than I then knew, and therefore I went boldly into the Room, when a Harbinger of the Court came, and, with a very impertinent Air, bad me turn out——I ask’d him, Whether he had his Order for saying so from the Elector? He said, No; but from the Great Chamberlain: I then made him an Answer in a Style that surpriz’d him, and bad him tell the Grand Chamberlain something that I knew he would not be pleas’d with: At the same time I talk’d both against the Chamberlain and his Emissary in such a manner as gave Vent to my Spleen, but excluded me from the Service of one of the best Princes in the World. I took Leave afterwards of the Elector, who bad me Farewel, made me a considerable Present, and moreover gave me Letters of Recommendation to Vienna, where I intended to solicit some Employment.

I shall now give you a brief Account of the City and Castle of Heidelberg: The City stands on the Banks of the Neckar, with high Mountains on each Side, and only a narrow Passage between them, from which however there’s a Prospect of the noblest Plain in Germany. In this City there was formerly a famous University, founded by Rupert the Ruddy, Count Palatine and Duke of Bavaria in 1346. Here was to be seen one of the finest Libraries in Europe, but General Tilly carry’d it off in 1622, and sent it to Rome, where it makes a considerable Part of the Vatican Library. Lewis the Dauphin of France, Grandfather of Lewis XV. made himself Master of Heidelberg by a Capitulation in 1698. nevertheless, all manner of Disorders were committed in it; a Part of the Electoral Palace was blown up, the City was burnt, and the very Corpses of the Electors, which were in the Coffins with the Ornaments of their Dignity, were dragg’d out of their Graves into the Square: And the French would undoubtedly have committed greater Cruelties, if the Army of the Empire had not advanc’d towards Heidelberg, of which the Germans made themselves Masters; and the Governor was prosecuted for Treachery, and sentenc’d to have his Choice, Whether to die by the Sword, or to have his Coat of Arms defac’d, his Sword broke, to be kick’d by the Hangman, and turn’d out of the Army with his Life: But he was so mean-spirited, as to prefer Infamy to Death, and retir’d to Hildesheim, where he has the Misfortune to be still living.

Some Time after this, the Marshal de Lorge attack’d Heidelberg, but he could not master it, tho’ the Place was defenceless. A Song was made upon him, the Burden of which was, He would have taken Heidelberg, if he had found the Door open. There’s no Sign now that Heidelberg was ever ruin’d; ’tis well rebuilt; and if the present Elector had continued his Residence in it, would have been one of the finest Towns in Germany; but ’twas owing to the Protestants, that the Elector remov’d to Manheim. What gave Occasion to it was this: The Protestants of Heidelberg and the Catholics have one Church between them, where the Nave of it belongs to the Protestants, and the Choir to the Catholics. When the present Elector had fix’d his Residence at Heidelberg, he desir’d that this Church, in which the Electors are interr’d, might be intirely Catholic; and for this end he made a Proposal to the Protestants, to give up the Nave, and engag’d that another Church should be built for them. The Inhabitants were very willing to consent to it, but the Ministers oppos’d it, and represented to the Citizens, that ’twas of dangerous Consequence to resign that Church, which was included in the Treaty of Westphalia, and in all the Treaties that had been made with the Princes of Neubourgh, on their Accession to the Electorate; that, after such a Resignation was once made, they could no longer expect the Protection of the Powers of their own Communion; and finally, that even the new Church, which was promis’d to be built for them, might with very great Ease be taken from them. The Elector having declar’d that he would be obey’d, the Ministers apply’d to the Protestant Body at the Dyet of the Empire. The Affair made a great Noise; and the Elector threatened the Inhabitants to abandon them; but they did not seem to be much concern’d at it, because they imagin’d, that if the Court went, the Regency and the Courts of Justice would remain with them, as they did in the Time of the late Elector. Nevertheless they were out in their Calculation, and the Elector, justly incens’d at the Disrespect of his Subjects, abandon’d them, and transfer’d his Court and all the Tribunals to Manheim; so that the Citizens, whose sole Dependance was on the Court, or the Officers of those Tribunals, are now very poor. They were quickly sensible of the Error they had committed, and went and threw themselves at the Elector’s Feet; but the Prince gave no Ear to them, and has caus’d the City and Castle of Manheim to be rebuilt.

The Castle of Heidelberg to this Day shews the Marks of the Disorder committed there by the French; for there’s a great Part of it in Ruins; and out of Four considerable Mansions, of which it consisted, there was only one that was not damag’d. That which remains of the Palace is in a Stile of Architecture, which I should be at a Loss to explain; ’tis neither Gothic nor Modern, but a Rhapsody of all the Orders heap’d one upon another, without Fancy or Judgment; as if the Architect who conducted the Work, had only design’d a Building of great Expence, without troubling himself whether it was done well or ill. This Palace stands upon a very high Hill, with a magnificent Terrass towards the Town, from whence there’s a Prospect of the Plain and of the Country too for several Leagues. The Inside of the Palace is scarce more regular than the Outside. The Elector’s Apartment consists of a long Suite of Rooms, without Beauty or Proportion. Nor is there any thing agreeable in the whole but its Situation, which is owing to the Prospect that it commands. The other Apartments are very small, and of pretty difficult Access, because of a great many little Steps that lead up and down to them.

In the Vaults of this Palace there’s the Tun, so famous for its enormous Size; ’tis said to contain 26,250 Gallons Paris Measure. The Electors have had frequent Carousals on the Platform which is over it. I own to you, that I can’t comprehend what Pleasure there can be in Tippling-Bouts of this Kind, at a Place where one cannot be at Ease; since a Man need not be very tall, for his Head to touch the Roof of the Vault, which besides is very dark.

As I was preparing to set out for Vienna where I intended, as I said, to sollicit Employment, I receiv’d a Letter from Paris, with Advice that the Storm I so much dreaded was dispers’d, and that all my Fears were ill grounded, the Regent having no manner of Suspicion of me, but on the contrary, more inclin’d than ever to shew me the Effects of his Protection; thereupon I was earnestly exhorted to return to Paris, which Advice coming from a good Hand, I made no Scruple to comply with it.

At my Arrival there I went to the Royal Palace as before: The Regent gave me a very good Reception, and Madame made me so welcome, that it confirm’d my Hopes, that I should at length obtain something at the Court of France. I found People very much divided about the War which had been just declar’d against Spain: The French were indeed for a War, but they were sorry to make it against a Prince who was born among them, and for whose Establishment they had expended so many Millions, and so much Blood. The Regent was even at a Loss to find any one to command the Army, because several had excus’d themselves. Only the Marshal de Berwic, the Natural Son of James II. King of England, prefer’d the Service of the Regency to the old Obligations he had to the King of Spain. His Catholic Majesty, whose Forces this Duke had commanded, had heap’d Favours upon him; he had not only made him and his Son Grandees of Spain, but had moreover granted to both of ’em the Golden Fleece, and the Duchy of Liria for his Son and his Posterity. Nevertheless, he accepted of the Command with Pleasure, and set out for Spain.

The Regent having engag’d the Prince of Conti to take upon him the Command of the Cavalry, order’d him 100,000 Crowns for his Equipage, and granted him 60,000 Livres a Month to keep an open Table; besides which, his Horses were to be kept at the King’s Expence. When his Royal Highness had appointed these Two Generals, he was not very much at a Loss for subaltern Officers: To encourage them to serve with the more Zeal, there was a great Promotion, consisting of 6 Lieutenant-Generals, 72 Major-Generals, and 196 Brigadiers. The Regent also gave Pensions to above Threescore Officers, who repair’d to the Marshal de Berwic in Navarre, where the Campaign was open’d by the Siege of Fontarabia. At the same Time the Regent caus’d a Manifesto to be publish’d, which was couch’d in Terms full of Regard to the King of Spain, Cardinal Alberoni being reproach’d for every Thing that was blameworthy in that Prince’s Conduct; and accus’d of being the Author of the War between the Two Crowns, and of having hinder’d the King his Master from accepting the Treaty of the Quadruple Alliance, a Treaty which had not been concluded, said the Regent, but for the Welfare of Europe, and particularly of France and Spain. His Royal Highness protested, that the War was only made to induce the King of Spain to a Peace; and affirm’d, That France did not mean to make any Conquest upon his Dominions; and that if she was compell’d to do it, she should be always ready to restore such Conquests at the Peace.

Cardinal Alberoni dispers’d several Pieces in the Name of his Master, by which he invited the French Soldiers to take the Part of his Catholic Majesty; and to succeed the better in this Design, he engag’d the King of Spain to head his Army, hoping, that upon his very first Appearance, one Half of the Army of France would desert to his Standard. The Cardinal being full of Notions so chimerical and so injurious to Officers and Troops, as incapable of Cowardice as of Treachery; he oblig’d the Chevalier de S—— who had been a Colonel in France, but by Misfortunes was forc’d to go to Spain, to write to some of the chief Commanders, and solicit them to come over with their Regiments to the Spanish Service. The Chevalier, who built Hopes of a considerable Fortune upon the Success of this Project, wrote to the Lieutenant-Colonel of Normandy, and sent the Letter to him by an Officer, who was indeed a Gentleman, but at that Time committed an Action unworthy of that Character. This Officer came to the French Army, and gave the Letter to the Person it was directed to, who carrying it to the Marshal de Berwic, he caus’d the unfortunate Courier to be arrested, and hang’d up in Two Hours after. The Cardinal was very much mortify’d by having miscarry’d in this Attempt, not considering that the same was impracticable, by reason the Fidelity of the French Officers was never to be corrupted; but it was not so at that Time with the Soldiers, of whom a great Number deserted to the Spanish Army. Persons of Credit, who at that Time saw Cardinal Alberoni in private, assur’d me, that Minister was so fully persuaded that whole Regiments at a Time would come over to the Spanish Service; that when he was told 50 or 100 Deserters, more or less, were newly come; What signifies that, said he? His Majesty wants to see Colours and Standards arrive, and not a Handful of Men. The Cardinal had a great many Fortune-hunters about him, who were continually telling him, that intire Battalions were just coming over; and by the Favour of such Predictions, which never came to any Thing, they got out of him what they wanted, for no other Consideration but a sorry improbable Scheme, and which tended even sometimes to deceive the Minister and betray him. One may guess at the Character of those Gentlemen by one F——, who had been a Reformado-Colonel in France, but being press’d hard by merciless Creditors, could find no other Means to escape from their ill Humour, than by taking Shelter under Cardinal Alberoni. This F—— was a terrible Rattle, and could rodomontade better than any body. The Minister made him a Brigadier, and withal gave him a Gratuity of 100 Pistoles; but our Spark not thinking this sufficient, wanted forsooth to be a Major-General, and teiz’d the Cardinal for it to such a Degree, that to get rid of such an importunate Solicitor, his Eminency was oblig’d to promise him, that it should not be long before he should be prefer’d. My Gentleman had no Time to wait, and renew’d his Solicitations; but being put off, he was quite out of Patience, and at last declar’d, that he would serve no longer if he was not made a Major-General. His Eminence grew angry, so that F—— thought it was proper to submit, or at least to assume a submissive Air. Mean while he study’d Revenge, and imagin’d the only way to make his Fortune in France would be, to seize the Cardinal, and run away with him to the Regent. The Thing that remain’d to be consider’d was, what Methods he should take to succeed; and ’tis even said, that he had laid his Plot so well, that had it not been for the Treachery of one of the Conspirators who discover’d the whole Mystery, the same would have succeeded. The Cardinal caus’d F—— to be arrested, and sent Prisoner to Pampeluna, and from thence to the Castle of Segovia, where he was try’d, and would infallibly have been beheaded, but Cardinal Alberoni happen’d to be disgrac’d at the same Time, as I shall have the Honour to tell you anon.

While these Trifles pass’d in the Spanish Army, the French went on furiously to Action. Fontarabia was closely besieg’d, upon which the King and Queen made as if they would relieve it; but while they were consulting about it, the Marshal de Berwic oblig’d it to capitulate. This Conquest, tho’ to the Advantage of France, did not abate one Jot of that Aversion which the French had to the War. The People contributed to it not without Reluctance; nevertheless it was the Regent’s Interest to continue it; and as he perceiv’d they were already so over-burden’d with Taxes, that ’twas in vain to think of creating new ones, he contriv’d new Methods to fill the Treasury. He obtain’d an Arret of Council for making a considerable Number of Bank Bills, those which had been made before having been soon snatch’d up. Then the Council pass’d another Arret, for diminishing the Value of the Species. The Bustle this Arret occasion’d at Paris is not to be imagin’d; every body was glad to part with their Cash, upon which they apprehended there would be a Loss, and they hurry’d to receive Paper in Exchange, upon the Promise which the Council had made, that the Value of the Bills should be fix’d, so as never to rise nor fall. Nevertheless, it was not long before the People seriously reflected upon the Invalidity of the Matter, into which their Gold and Silver was transform’d, and the Hurry to the Bank abated. But the Regent soon contriv’d a way to bring in the little Cash that remain’d in private Hands; for he caus’d an Arret of Council to pass, which forbad any one’s having more than 500 Livres about him, upon the Penalty of a great Fine. In Pursuance of this Arret, People began again to change their Species for Bank Bills, which were in Truth more commodious than Cash, because People might then carry the Value of several Millions about them, without sweating under the Load. This was a rare way to thrive, when a Man carry’d his whole Estate thus in his Pocket!

By this Means did the Duke Regent provide for the immense Charges of the War with Spain, which was carry’d on with Vigour; and soon after the taking of Fontarabia, the French Army laid Siege to St. Sebastian, which held but Twenty-five Days, when both the Town and Castle surrender’d.

As long as the War continued with Success in Spain I never left soliciting at the Royal Palace, but always in vain. I spent most of my Time in the Regent’s Antichamber, and now-and-then went for Recreation to the House of Madame de R——, whom I have not had the Honour of mentioning to you for a good while, but my Passion was now grown cool, so that all those Visits were but a melancholy Relief in the Situation that I then stood in. My Friends made me reflect seriously on the small Hopes I ought to entertain of succeeding at the Court of France. The Abbe de Asfeld perceiving the Anxiety I was under, took the Advantage of it to drive me, as I may term it, from a Place where I lost my Time, and spent the little Money I had to no Purpose; therefore I left Paris once more, and travelled by the Way of Metz, to avoid the troublesome Questions of the King’s Lieutenant at Toul.

I pass’d thro’ St. Menehoult, which is a Town in Champagne, built in a Morass, between Two Eminencies. A little after I was there, it had the Misfortune to be burnt. I was told, that the Jews of Metz offer’d to rebuild it intirely, on condition they might be permitted to have a Synagogue there.

From St. Menehoult I went to Verdun, an Episcopal City, whose Bishops take the Titles of Counts of Verdun, and Princes of the Holy Empire. This Diocese makes Part of the Three Bishopricks yielded to France by Lorrain. The Cathedral is dedicated to our Lady. In this Church there’s a Well, which is preserv’d there for a Supply of Water in case of Fire, because the Place being on a very high Ground, it would be difficult to bring Water to it.

From Verdun I went to Metz, where I made some Stay. This is a very large Town, at the Conflux of the Moselle and the Seille. It was heretofore the Capital of Austrasia, and afterwards reckon’d as an imperial City till 1552, that the Constable of Montmorency made a Conquest of it for Henry II. King of France. The Emperor Charles V. try’d in vain to retake it, when the Duke of Guise, who commanded in the Place, acquir’d great Reputation in the Defence of it, and oblig’d him to raise the Siege, at which the Emperor was so mortify’d, that he resign’d his Dominions, and retir’d to a Cloyster. Metz, Toul and Verdun were confirm’d to France in 1559, by the Treaty of Chateau-Cambresis, and this Cession was afterwards confirm’d by the Peace of Munster in 1648.

The Cathedral of Metz, which is dedicated to St. Stephen, is a Church of greater Note for its Antiquity than for its Beauty. The most remarkable Thing in it is its baptismal Font, which is of one intire Piece of Porphyry about 10 Foot in Length.

There is very good Company at Metz, and I should have been glad to have stay’d there longer, if my private Affairs would have permitted it. There is a Parliament, which consists of a good Number of Men of Quality, who are all very rich. Besides, here is always a strong Garison, and several Persons of easy Fortunes, who commonly spend the Winter here. When I was here, M. de Saillant was the commanding Officer. He liv’d with Splendor, and I commonly din’d with him, and supp’d with the Intendant of the Province, who was then M. de Celi of the Harlay Family, and was very much esteem’d.

When I set out from Metz, I struck into the Road for Germany, and went to Spires. This Town may be consider’d as a Monument of the Ravage of War, there being a great many Ruins to be seen in it, which are the Remains of the Houses burnt by the French, in the War they made for the Destruction of the Palatinate. It was formerly the Seat of the Imperial Chamber, which after ’twas ruin’d, was transfer’d to Wetzlar. Spires is the See of a Bishop Suffragan to the Bishop of Mentz.

I pass’d the Rhine at Spires, over a Bridge of Boats, and arrived in a few Hours at Heidelberg, from whence I went to Stutgard, and so to Ulm.[3] This is one of the most considerable Cities in Germany, and has magnificent Structures both sacred and prophane, and great Squares adorn’d with Fountains. Our Lady’s, which is the most considerable of all the Churches, belongs to the Lutherans, who are the Magistrates of the City; but the Roman Catholics are allow’d the free Exercise of their Religion here. This City was formerly but a Village, which Charlemain granted to the Abbey of Reichenau. The Inhabitants of Ulm redeem’d their Liberty on the Payment of a considerable Sum, after which they got their Town made an Imperial City, and at last it became the Capital of Swabia.

Ulm is very well fortify’d; it maintains a stout Garison, and its Ramparts are furnish’d with good Cannon; nevertheless, the Elector of Bavaria took it with Ease in the Beginning of the late War, when that Prince declar’d for his Nephew the King of Spain, tho’ ’tis said, his Electoral Highness had a Correspondence at the same time in the Town. But the Battle of Hochstet help’d to restore it to its Liberty, and notwithstanding the Menaces of the Marshal de Villars, it receiv’d an Imperial Garison.

From Ulm I went to Augsbourg[4], a very ancient City, where a Roman Colony was planted by the Emperor Augustus, from whom it had the Latin Name Augusta. It has from time to time undergone several Revolutions: In 1518 Luther came hither to give a public Account of his Doctrine; and in 1530, Charles V. summon’d the Dyet of the Empire hither, which Dyet was famous for the noted Confession of Augsbourg, that the Protestants presented to the Emperor. In another Dyet held in 1548, the same Charles V. propos’d that Formulary call’d the Interim, with regard to the Communion in both Kinds, and the Marriage of Priests: This Formulary has done irreparable Injury to the Catholic Religion.

Augsbourg had a very great Share in the Civil Wars between our Ancestors, on account of Religion. During that Period, the Protestants seiz’d the City, and turn’d out the Bishop and Clergy; but Charles V. having retaken it, re-establish’d the Romish Religion in it, and alter’d the whole Government, which continued in that State till the Beginning of April 1552, when the Protestants took it again, and restor’d what the Emperor had destroy’d; and at length a Peace was concluded at Augsbourg; but the City did not long enjoy the Sweets of it, and Violences were soon committed on both Sides. The famous Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, came to the Aid of the Protestants. He arriv’d at Augsbourg in 1632. The Inhabitants paid him extraordinary Honours, which was very provoking to the Catholic Princes, and to the Duke of Bavaria, who Two Years after punish’d them for it. This Prince having declared himself the Protector of the ancient Religion, besieg’d Augsbourg, and reduc’d the Citizens to such Extremity, that they eat Rats, Cats, and even human Flesh. It was settled at the Peace of Westphalia, that the Catholics and Lutherans should tolerate one another, which was afterwards punctually observ’d. Nevertheless, this City was again molested by the Elector of Bavaria in the last War, when he made himself Master of it, but his Troops abandon’d it immediately after the Battle of Hochstet. After the Peace of Westphalia, the Emperor Leopold summon’d the Dyet of the Empire to Augsbourg in 1690, and there he caus’d himself to be crown’d, and his Son Joseph to be elected King of the Romans.

The assembling of the Dyets, and the flourishing Trade at Augsbourg, have render’d it one of the most magnificent Cities in Germany. Its Squares are large, its Streets spacious, and its Fountains very beautiful. The Town-House is one of the finest Buildings that I have seen. ’Tis a vast square Edifice, well built of Free-Stone. The Porch is all of Marble. Almost all the Rooms are wainscotted and ceil’d with very fine Timber. There’s a Hall 110 Feet long, 58 broad, and 52 Feet in Height, the Pavement of which is Marble, and its Walls adorn’d with Paintings, intermix’d with Emblems and Devices relating to the Government. The Ceiling, which exceeds all the rest for its Beauty, has Compartments, the Squares and Pannels whereof are inrich’d with Sculptures, very finely gilt, and full of beautiful Pictures and other Ornaments. The Cathedral is large and spacious, with a most remarkable great Gate, all of Brass, over which there are several Scripture Passages, represented in Basso-Relievo of very nice Workmanship. The Episcopal Palace has nothing extraordinary. The present Bishop is of the Family of Newbourg, and Brother to the Elector of Triers, and the Elector Palatine. The Dignity of Prince of the Empire is annex’d to that of Bishop of Augsbourg, in the same manner as it is to all the Bishopricks of Germany. He is chose by the Chapter, which is compos’d of Canons, who are noble by Sixteen Descents. The Bishop’s Sovereignty extends over almost all the Territory of Augsbourg.

I am now going to give you an Account of one of the most splendid Courts in all Germany, I mean that of Bavaria, which I had the Honour to see at Munich, whither I went at my Departure from Augsbourg.[5]Munich, which is the Capital of Bavaria, stands upon the River Iser, that falls into the Danube, for which Reason the Neighbourhood is almost all Meadow Land. The Town is not large, but very well built, so that I have scarce seen any that makes so gay an Appearance. Munich contains several stately Buildings, both sacred and profane. Among the former, the Two finest, that I took Notice of, are, our Lady’s Church, and that of the Jesuits.

In our Lady’s Church there’s a magnificent Tomb of the Emperor Lewis IV. adorn’d with Figures of Marble and Brass. There’s one Thing remarkable in this Church, and that is, at the Entrance of the great Gate there’s a particular Place, from whence, as one stands, we observe such a Regularity in the Disposition of the Pillars which support the Roof, that there is not a Window to be perceiv’d in it, tho’ there are a great many.

The Jesuits Church is also extremely magnificent. It consists intirely of one Nave, very lofty and spacious, the Roof of which is very noble, and adorn’d all over with Sculpture. The Vestry contains a great deal of Wealth in Relics, and in Vessels of Gold and Silver.

Their College is as magnificent as their Church, there can be nothing finer; and I could not help thinking the Outside of it exceeded the Electoral Palace. In the Inside there are great Rooms, which serve as Classes for the Scholars that come to study with them.

The Elector’s Palace deserves a diligent View, for it may compare with the Palaces of the most powerful Sovereigns; and I think that, excepting the Palace of the Tuileries, there’s none so big. Yet for all this it has one Defect, common to the Palaces of all Sovereigns, it having been built at several Times, and being by Consequence irregular. The first Time I saw it, I own to you that I was disgusted at this Irregularity; and that it fell vastly short of the Idea I had conceiv’d of the Building from what I had read of it in the Relations publish’d by Travellers.

Of all the Parts of the Electoral Palace, there’s not one that is more magnificent than that which is commonly call’d the Emperor’s Apartment: The principal Room in it is a Hall, which is 118 Feet long, and 52 broad, and may be reckon’d a complete Piece of Work; ’tis adorn’d with fine Paintings, representing sacred and profane History, which are rang’d in exact Order, one over-against the other; and under each of the historical Passages there are Latin Verses explaining the Subject: The Chimney-piece is as magnificent as the rest of the Apartment; on the Top of it there’s the Statue of Porphyry, of admirable Workmanship, representing Virtue, holding a Spear in her Right Hand, and a Branch of gilt Palm in her Left. The Ceiling is adorn’d with gilt Compartments, and with Paintings of a noble Design.

Going out of the great Hall, we pass thro’ a very spacious Antichamber into the Hall of Audience, which is very much ornamented, as is all the rest. ’Tis there that the Electors give Audience to the foreign Ministers, and there are Eight great Compartments, shewing the different manners after which the foreign Princes give Audience to Ambassadors. There are other Pictures representing the Histories of several Judgments pass’d by Sovereigns, that have administer’d Justice in Person; and these Pictures are accompany’d with Hieroglyphics, Emblems and Devices suitable to the Subject.

The long Gallery is very magnificent, both for its Extent and for the Pieces it contains. ’Tis adorn’d with Basso Relievo’s of a noble Design, and with costly Pictures, among which are the Effigies and Names of 36 Princes, the Predecessors of the present Elector. There are also very fine Maps of the several Provinces, Cities and Appendages of his Electoral Highness’s Dominions. There’s another Gallery not quite so big indeed, but as finely adorn’d, and especially with very large Pictures, which represent the Histories of the Princes and Princesses of the Family of Bavaria. The Stair-case which leads to the grand Apartment I just now mention’d, is answerable to all the rest in Magnificence, there being nothing to be seen all about it but marble and Gold.

The Apartment which the Elector commonly resides in is very spacious, but irregular. I thought the Chambers and Closets a little too dark. The whole is adorn’d with rich Ceilings and magnificent Tapestries. The Electoress’s Apartment communicates with the Elector’s by a private Gallery. All the Princes and Princesses are equally well lodg’d, tho’ the Chambers of the Apartments are a little too small.

The great Chapel is very fine, and would be much more so, if it was more lightsome. The Electoress has one, which joins to her Apartment, but is not near so large as the former, and has the same Fault; tho’ otherwise ’tis a notable Piece of Building, and contains extraordinary Wealth.

The Garden of the Electoral Palace is not of the modern Taste. Round the one half of it there’s a grand Piazza, adorn’d with Pictures, representing the several Histories of the Princes of the Bavarian Family, which Pictures, I am told, were the Model for the Hangings in the Elector’s Wardrobe. At the End of this Piazza there’s a very fine House, the lower Parts of which serve as a Greenhouse for the Orange Trees. In the upper Part there are very commodious Apartments; where, in the Summertime, the Elector has a Drawing-Room. Near this Orangery there’s a Sort of Menagery, in which are kept Lyons and other wild Beasts.

The same Piazza leads also to the Riding-House, which is one of the finest I ever saw. ’Tis 366 Feet in Length, and 76 in Breadth. It has 80 great Windows, and all round within there runs a fine Corridor or Gallery to hold the Spectators, when there are any Carrousels or Tournaments. This Corridor is parted by the Elector’s Box, which is big enough to contain all the Electoral Family, and adorn’d with very rich Sculptures. The Gallery of the Palace, which reaches to the grand Piazza of the Garden, leads also to the Opera Room, which is very large, and very high. The Stage is answerable to the Grandeur and Magnificence of the Room, and the Decorations are superb, and very numerous. As the Electoral Prince is very fond of Music, he prefers the Opera to any other Performance, and gives Orders himself for what may serve to render it most splendid. You will judge that no Cost is spar’d, the Decorations, Machines, Habits and every Thing being equally noble, and well contriv’d.

Upon the Days that any Feast is celebrated at Court, as Birth-days and the like, when there’s an Opera, at the Overture there descends from the Top of the Stage a Lustre of extraordinary Grandeur and Structure, which rises up again immediately after the first Act; a Custom, for which I never could yet hear of any good Reason. This Lustre surprizes the more, because it comes unexpected. The Ceiling opens to let it down, as well as to take it up again.

’Tis said, that when the Great Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, made his victorious Entry at Munich, one of that great Monarch’s Generals advis’d him to burn the Palace of the Electors, but he refus’d to do it, in which he was Greater than the Great Alexander, who reduc’d the superb Palace of Darius to a Heap of Ashes. The only Thing that made the Swedish Monarch uneasy was, that he could not carry to Sweden the fine Chimney-piece in the great Hall, that I mention’d to you.

I will next treat of the Princes that compose the August Family of Bavaria, which is one of the most Illustrious in Europe. The Elector’s Name was Maximilian Emanuel Mary: No Man could have a grander Air, or a better Shape than this Prince had; and with those external Qualities, he had others, without which the former are of little or no Value. He was generous, affable, compassionate, and in Consequence ador’d by his Subjects: He knew how to support his Dignity with Grandeur: His Expence was great, but well-judg’d: He marry’d to his first Wife the Archduchess, Daughter of the Emperor Leopold, by whom he had a Son, who was snatch’d from him by Death, when the young Prince was become Heir to one of the chief Crowns in the World, after the Death of Charles II. King of Spain, by Right of Succession from his Grandmother, who was the Daughter of Philip IV.

After the Death of the Electoress, the Elector marry’d a Princess of Poland, viz. Theresa Cunegonda Sobieski, Daughter to King John Sobieski. This Princess lives so retir’d, that, excepting her own Family, she sees no body but Two or Three Ladies and her Confessor. She resides most commonly at Taco, a Seat given her by the Elector. When the Princess is at Munich, she employs herself in Works of Charity, one while visiting sick Women, at other Times the several Convents; and in these Visits she never fails to leave Marks of her Bounty.

The Elector has had several Children by her: The First is the Electoral Prince, whose Name is Albert Cajetan: This Prince gave Proof in the War in Hungary, and at the Siege of Belgrade, that he would be the Heir of the great Qualities of the Elector his Father, as well as of his Dominions: He acquir’d a high Reputation at Vienna, and every body was charm’d with the grand Presence and Talents of this Prince, whose Deportment to all that came to him could not be exceeded for Civility. He talk’d Latin, French and Italian with as much Ease as his native Language.

The Duke Ferdinand is the Elector’s Second Son, tho’ he was first marry’d to a Princess of Neubourg, a Niece of the Elector Palatine. This Duke is the handsomest of the Elector’s Sons; he is perfectly well-shap’d, and has the finest Head of Hair that can be seen; in short, he is a very amiable Prince: He loves Pleasure, but is not a Slave to it; his favourite Sport is Hunting, which he follows commonly with the Princes his Brothers.

Duke Clement is the Elector’s Third Son, and he who has hitherto been Fortune’s greatest Favourite. When I went to Munich, this Prince had been newly elected Bishop of Munster and Paderborn, in the Room of the Duke his Brother, who dy’d at Rome a little after his Election to the Bishoprick. Duke Clement was already Bishop of Ratisbon, when he was chose Bishop of Munster and Paderborn; but he resign’d Ratisbon to Duke Theodore, the last of the Bavarian Princes. These Four Princes, and a Princess, who turn’d Nun at the Time that I was at Munich, are the Elector’s whole Family, and the only Princes of the House of Bavaria.

You know, Madame, that the Electoral Dignity pass’d to this Family after the Disgrace of Frederic Elector Palatine, King of Bohemia, who having been put under the Ban of the Empire, was turn’d out of the Upper Palatinate, which was given to the Bavarian Family, as a Reward for the Attachment they had shewn to the House of Austria, and for the Expences they were at in the War. At the Treaty of Westphalia this Grant was confirm’d to the Bavarian Family, and the Son of the unfortunate Frederic recover’d his Dignity of Elector, with this Difference, that whereas before he was the first Elector, he was now become the last. The Dukes of Bavaria remain’d in Possession of the Upper Palatinate, and of the Dignity of first Elector. There’s none of ’em all that came up to the Elector Maximilian Emanuel, and never was the Court of Munich so splendid and numerous, as in his Time: The Ceremonial observ’d there is very much the same with that of the Imperial Court.

As to the Amusements of the Court of Bavaria, they pass’d their Time much after this manner: The Elector, who was an early Riser, went to Mass about 10 o’Clock, and afterwards held a Council, if it happen’d to be Council-Day, or otherwise his Electoral Highness play’d at Passage till Dinner-time. Then he return’d to his own Apartment, where he din’d privately, and during that Time, no body was admitted, except the Princes, the Officers in Waiting, and the Chamberlains. The Princes also din’d by themselves, tho’ they often admitted Gentlemen to eat with them. The Electoress, the Princess and the Duchess had also their separate Tables serv’d by the Elector’s Officers, which occasion’d an amazing Expence, as did also the Hunting Equipages; for the Elector went one Way, the Electoral Prince another, and Duke Ferdinand another, so that there were near 400 Horses running here and there every Day. When they return’d from the Chace, the Princes went and pass’d the Evening with the Duchess, where they found a great Assembly of Ladies; the Elector also went thither sometimes, and play’d at Pharao, or some other Game. Towards Supper-time he retired to his Apartment, where he supp’d with the Ladies. The Princes went and supp’d with the Electoral Prince, and the Duchess supp’d at her own House with the Gentlemen and Ladies.

On the Drawing-Room Days (which were Three Times a Week) Things were order’d otherwise. The Ladies went to the Electoress’s Apartment, or to the Orangery, according to the Place where the Drawing-Room was appointed. When it was kept at the Electoress’s Apartment, the Ladies went thither in the Court Dress, whereas at the Orangery they might appear in a Mantua. The Elector and the Princes were also there: His Electoral Highness convers’d awhile with the Ladies; after which they sat down to Play, and every one chose what Game or Partner they lik’d best. When the Play was over, the Company went into another Room, where there was a great Table well serv’d, at which, after the Elector, the Princes and the Ladies had taken their Places, if there was Room, they admitted Gentlemen to sit down with them, either Foreigners, or even such as were in the Elector’s Service. At this Table no Rank was observ’d, and the very Princes sat down where they could get Places.

When the Court was at Nymphenbourg, the Elector’s Pleasure-house, the Diversions were much the same as at the Orangery, except that they took the Air more; and that the Ladies might enjoy this Pleasure to greater Perfection, there was always a Number of Calashes, each drawn by a Pair of Horses, which carry’d Two Ladies, and was drove by some Gentleman, while One or Two others stood behind them. Those who prefer’d taking the Air by Water, might easily be accommodated, there being for that Purpose upon the Canal Gondolas and Gondoliers after the Venetian manner, which were always ready for Hire.

On Sundays, Holidays and Days of Rejoicing, the Elector din’d in public, with the Princes and Princesses of his Family, during which the Chamberlains waited, and at Night there was a Concert. The Ladies in their Court Dress met in the Apartment of the Electoress or the Duchess, and accompany’d those Princesses to the Opera, after which they return’d to the same Apartment; where, till Supper-time, they play’d; upon those Days the Ladies din’d with the Elector: Sometimes too, they carry’d Services for Three or Four Persons, and laid them upon the Gaming Tables, which was very convenient for those who were not willing to separate Company: After Supper there was commonly a Ball.

During the Summer, the Elector never fail’d to repair every Thursday Evening to the Orangery, to hold a Drawing-Room, after which he went and lay at Nymphenbourg, from whence he return’d upon Saturdays, to hold Councils on Sundays in the Morning; and in the Afternoon he went to some Pleasure-house.

This, which was the common Life at Court, was very often diversify’d, by Parties for Hunting, Fishing, or other Pleasures. The Elector himself gave Direction for all the Feasts he made, and I believe it would have been difficult to have found any body that understood the Matter so well; every Thing being conducted with such charming Delicacy and Regularity, that I own to you, Madame, I thought myself in some enchanted Island. What contributed to render the Court of Munich yet more splendid, was, the Presence of the Count de Charolois, a Prince of the Blood of France, who made some Stay here at his Return from the War in Hungary[6]. That young Prince being spurr’d on by Glory, thought he could not better signalize his Valour, than by bearing Arms against the Infidels, with whom the Emperor had just declared War; but as he plainly foresaw, it would be difficult for him to obtain Leave from his Mother and the Regent to go out of the Kingdom, he resolv’d to get away without speaking a Word of it to any body but Two Persons that he carry’d along with him. The Day that he put this Project in Execution, he set out early in the Morning, on Pretence of going a Hunting. He travell’d Seven Post Stages without Baiting, with the Horses of the Duke his Brother, and he was got as far as the Austrian Netherlands, when they thought at Chantilly he was but in the Forest. He went to Liege, and from thence to Bon, but always with an Equipage that did not denote his Quality. From Bon he proceeded thro’ Munich to Vienna; from whence without visiting either the Emperor or Empress he repair’d to Belgrade, which was then besieg’d by Prince Eugene of Savoy. He distinguish’d himself greatly in this Campaign, and gave Demonstration that he was worthy of his Illustrious Blood. After the Reduction of Belgrade, he went to Vienna, where he stay’d some time, and then travell’d to Italy, from whence he return’d to Munich. The Elector, who had been perfectly well receiv’d by the Duchess, who was the young Count’s Mother, took a Pleasure to shew his Gratitude to the Prince her Son. He therefore lodg’d him at the Castle, and defray’d his and his Attendants Charges all the Time that he stay’d at Munich; he provided a Table for him in his Apartment for Twelve People; and when he din’d with the Elector, which he never did but with Ladies in Company; and when they were to go out a Hunting, his Gentlemen had a Table allow’d them, which was spread for Eight; but some Difficulties in the Point of Rank prevented the Count from dining in public with the Elector and the Princes. His Electoral Highness gave him a certain Number of Officers, Pages and Footmen to wait on him, and Care was taken to chuse such only to attend him as talk’d French; but he soon acquainted himself with the German Language to such a Degree, that the Country-People understood him better than they did me. Of this I had Experience one Day as I went a Hunting with him, when he bad me ask something of a Peasant, who I saw by his Looks did not know what I meant; but the Count accosted him with the same Demand, and the Peasant understood him immediately, by reason of the Bavarian Accent, in which that Prince express’d himself happily: He return’d to Chantilly the 1st of May 1720.

Three Quarters of a League from Munich is the stately Palace of Nymphenbourg[7], to which I have had the Honour to acquaint you the Court repaired very often. ’Tis impossible for a Place to be more charming; the Gardens especially are very beautiful: A grand Avenue leads to Nymphenbourg, which runs from Munich to the Iron Gates of the Palace. In the Front of this Palace, next to the Court, there are Three Pavilions, which are connected by Two Apartments for Lodgings. The middlemost Pavilion, which is larger than the other Two, is square, and contains a great Hall, finely adorn’d with Architecture, and an Apartment on each Side. The Two Side Pavilions are terminated by Two large Pavilions, that run further out, and form Two Wings. On the Side next to the Court there are Steps, by which there is an Ascent up to the Hall; and on the opposite Side there are others, which lead down to the Garden. From the Steps on the Court-side is a Prospect of a large Canal, lin’d on each Side with a Row of Elms, which is separated from the Court by a Grate.

As to the Apartments, they are all of the utmost Magnificence, but the only one that I shall speak of now is the Elector’s. The first Room at the Entrance is very fine, considering its Extent, but not much adorn’d, being altogether bare white Walls, so that only the Ceiling is painted. As one turns to the Right, we enter an Antichamber, which is a Thorowfare both to the Elector’s Apartment, and to another on the Left Hand, then occupied by the Count de Charolois. This Antichamber is wainscotted throughout, and leads to a Gallery, which is also completely wainscotted, the Pannels being painted white with gilt Fillets. There we saw in Compartments very fine Pictures, which represent either Hunting, or the Prospects of the Elector’s several Houses. From this Gallery is an Entrance into a large Antichamber, all over wainscotted, and adorn’d with Chimney and Pier-Glasses and magnificent Pictures. From thence, turning to the Left, we enter into a large Closet, the Furniture of which is a fine Sky-blue Damask, lac’d with Gold. The Ceilings, Doors and Window-Shutters are painted white, with gilt Basso Relievo’s. In this Closet as well as in the Chamber next to it, are a great many very fine Pier-Glasses and Marble Tables: The latter is the Bedchamber; the Furniture and Bed are of blue Damask, as is also the Closet: Out of this Chamber there’s a Passage to a second Closet, furnish’d in the same Taste. These Three Pieces follow one another, and look into the Garden: The last mention’d Closet terminates the Elector’s Apartment, which communicates by little Offices and a Stair-case to a small Apartment which his Electoral Highness lives in, the great Apartment being only for keeping his Court. On the other Side of the Palace are the Apartments of the Electoress and the Princes, who are all lodg’d there very commodiously.

The Gardens of this Palace are very well laid out: As one enters them by the Steps from the Castle, the first Thing one sees is a very fine Parterre, which reaches to a Wood, that is cut into Three great Walks, in Form of a Goose-Foot; in the midst whereof are Three Canals of Spring Water, the middlemost of which runs out of Sight, and has its Issue by Three Waterfalls, in Form of a Cascade. The Wood consists of Groves, adorn’d with Bowers, and noble Water-Works. On the Right Hand of the Garden is a Grove, which contains a Mall; and a little further is a very great Mall, in Form of a Horse-shoe. The Two Ends run to the grand Walk, and contain between them a Pavilion, built in Form of a Cross arch’d, consisting of Two Stories, and forming an Octogon Saloon in the middle with Four Windows, between which are Four Summer Houses, one of which is an Antichamber, the second a Bedchamber, the third a Closet, and the fourth a Stair-case. This House is built in the Form of a Pagod’s Temple, and all the Furniture is Indian, which is the Reason that ’tis call’d Pagodenbourg. Over-against this pretty House, on the Left of the great Canal, are Bagnio’s. Nothing in the World can be better contriv’d, and more charming: All the Ceilings, the Basso Relievo’s and other Ornaments have some Relation or other to the Use for which this House is appropriated. The Baths are of Marble, adorn’d with Statues and Vessels of very great Price.

Tho’ the Elector seem’d to be mightily delighted with Nymphenbourg, yet he was about building another Palace, which was to be call’d Schleisheim: According to the Designs that I saw of it, this Palace must be much larger and more noble than Nymphenbourg, so that they said, that Schleisheim would be the Versailles of Bavaria, and Nymphenbourg the Marly.

I spent my Time so agreeably while I stay’d at Munich, that indeed I was very loth to quit a Place so charming: Nevertheless, I set out with a Heart full of Gratitude for all the Favours I had receiv’d from the Elector, and the Princes his Children.

I lay the first Night at Wasserbourg[8], and from thence went to Passau, which makes a Part of Lower Bavaria, and is a Bishoprick Suffragan of Saltzbourg.[9]Passau is famous for the Treaty which was concluded there between the Emperor Charles and Mauric Elector of Saxony, whereby the Protestant Religion was establish’d and secur’d in Germany, where before it was only tolerated. This is a very pretty City, has fine Houses, and several Churches. The Cathedral, which is a quite new Structure, is very large, and in the Inside very magnificent, being adorn’d all over with Pilasters, and other Embellishments of Architecture, and the Roof painted in Fresco. I was at Divine Service there on Whitsunday, and as every body then made the best Appearance they could, I observ’d the meanest Women of the Town were dress’d in Gowns of black Velvet, and scarlet Petticoats with Gold Lace, and that some of ’em had Pearl Necklaces of Five or Six Rows; and others Gold Chains with Rings, and Ear Pendants of Diamonds.

From Passau I went down the Danube to Lintz, the Capital of Upper Austria; and from thence to Vienna[10], the Capital of Austria, and the ordinary Residence of the Emperors, ever since Maximilian. This City, which was heretofore but a Bishoprick, was lately erected into an Archbishoprick, and the Archbishop takes the Title of Prince. The Cathedral Church, which is dedicated to St. Stephen, is an old Building, very magnificent, but dark: The City stands upon the Danube, an Arm of which separates it from the Suburb, which is call’d Leopoldstat: The Turks have made more than one vain Attempt to be Masters of Vienna. Soliman II. besieg’d it Sept. 25, 1529, but on the 14th of October following Charles V. oblig’d him to raise the Siege. In 1693 the Turks made another Attempt, and besieg’d it with an Army of above 200,000 Men, when the Emperor Leopold retir’d with all his Family to the Castle of Lintz, and left the Command of the City to the Count de Staremberg: The Count was forc’d to sustain terrible Attacks from the Turks, who push’d on their Works with Vigor, and the Place could hold out no longer, when John Sobieski King of Poland advanced to relieve it, at the Head of an Army of Poles. He came in Sight of the Enemy on the 11th of September, and next Day gave them Battle, and obtain’d a complete Victory; for the Turks abandon’d both their Camp and their Artillery, and the Conquerors took a prodigious Booty, particularly such a vast Number of black Cattle, that ’tis said they were sold for Five or Six Florins apiece. The Emperor no sooner receiv’d the Tidings that the Siege was rais’d, but he set out from Lintz for Vienna, where he visited the King of Poland in the open Field, and made his grateful Acknowledgments to him for the signal Service he had then done him.

Vienna receiv’d a great deal of Damage at this Siege; Part of the Imperial Palace being reduc’d to Ashes, as well as several other grand Structures. The Emperor immediately set about repairing those Losses, and the Palace was rebuilt as it was before; and several of the Nobility also caus’d such magnificent Palaces to be erected, that in a short time the Town recover’d its former Splendor.

The Imperial Palace is large, but has nothing else scarce to boast of, for the Apartments are low, dark, and without Ornaments, and the Furniture is very ancient, tho’ scarce any Princes have a finer Treasure in Tapistry; and why ’tis not us’d, I can’t imagine: The Apartments of the Empress Dowager were the only ones fit to lodge in; for that Princess took Care to have them not only rais’d higher, but inlaid and wainscotted, which has given them a certain Air of Majesty they had not before. This Princess’s Apartment is hung with black Velvet, it being the Custom of the Imperial Court, for the Empress Dowagers never to quit their Mourning. The Bedchamber and the Closet call’d la Retirade or the Withdrawing-Room, are the only Two Pieces that are not hung with black, the whole Furniture thereof being grey. For the rest, were a Stranger to see the Palace of Vienna, and to have no Notion of what it is before-hand, he would scarce imagine it to be the Residence of the first Prince of Europe.

The Palace of la Favorita in the Suburb of Vienna, where the Emperor spends the Summer, is even inferior to that in the City. ’Tis a very large House, built upon the Highway, without any Court before it, without Symmetry or Architecture, and which, as to the Outside, looks more like a Convent, than a Royal Palace. The Inside perfectly answers the Outside. There’s an Ascent to the Apartments by a great Stair-case, all of Timber, that leads to a Guard Chamber, which is a Room of no great Extent, and without any manner of Ornament; and from thence there’s an Entrance into other Apartments but half furnish’d, and very low, which in short is the Fault of all the Apartments. The Gardens of the Palace are as inconsiderable as the Building; they being full of large Fruit-trees, but in very bad Order, and I saw nothing there that can be call’d a fine Prospect.

Mean time the Court Nobility are far from being so ill lodg’d as the Emperor, for they have all stately Houses, both in the City and Suburbs. Prince Eugene of Savoy’s Palace is the most magnificent Building that one shall see; for whether you examine the Outside or the Inside of it, the whole is of the best Contrivance, and the utmost Magnificence. The first Hall, which forms the first Piece of the grand Apartment, is all wainscotted, and adorn’d with large Pictures, representing the chief Battles won by Prince Eugene. From this Hall we enter into a large Antichamber, where we see a Suit of Tapistry Hangings, made by the famous Devos of Brussels, where that skilful Artist has represented the principal Transactions of the War to as great Perfection as possible: Out of this Antichamber we go into the Bedchamber; I never saw any thing so rich as the Furniture is there; the Tapistry is roll’d up in Pilasters of green Velvet, embroider’d with Gold, with Figures in Needle Work so finely drawn, that they seem to be Miniatures. This Piece is intirely furnish’d in all that Taste: The Closet next to the Bedchamber is all over gilt; and every thing in general in this Apartment is superb; the Paintings, Looking-Glasses, Marble Tables, the very Arms and Andirons being of most curious Workmanship: I ought not to omit the many fine Lustres, of which that in the Bedchamber is the most magnificent; and I have been told, that it cost 40,000 Florins: As to the Ceiling and other Pieces of Masonry, they are indeed very fine, but not so elegant as noble.

After having taken a full View of the Prince’s Apartments, I was shew’d the Library, which is in as good a Condition as any in Europe. The Books are rang’d in delightful Order, and the pompous Bindings form the finest Scene that can be. Hither the Prince comes every now-and-then to unbend himself from the Fatigues of his great Employments.

The Prince has a magnificent Garden in the Suburb of Vienna, which has a Court before it, that is separated from the Street by an Iron Grate of very curious Workmanship. In this Court is a very large Piece of Water, with a Row of Chestnut-Trees on each Side, that leads to the House, or rather the Castle, for ’tis a great and stately Building: They were still at Work upon it when I saw it. This House fronts the Garden, and takes up almost the whole Breadth of it. The Garden is shelving, for which Reason it was thought proper to place a very fine Cascade in the middle of it. There’s a very neat Structure at the End of it, which, like the House, takes in the whole Breadth of it. Below Stairs is a great Saloon, all lin’d with Marble of several Colours, and a Ceiling adorn’d with fine Paintings: From this Saloon there’s a Passage to a Room on the Left, the Ceiling and Wainscot of which are very fine; and then we enter into a large Closet, and next to that is a Bedchamber, with a Gallery and another large Closet at the End of that; so much for what is on the Left of the Saloon. On the Right Hand is another large Apartment, and the Chapel. The Backside of the Building looks into a great Court, where are the Stables and Coach-houses: ’Tis pity that this Prince, after he had been at so much Expence in this Building, did not buy the Ground where the Empress has since built a Convent. The Prince was advis’d to it at that very Time, but he refus’d, and said, he would not purchase the whole Suburb; to be sure he repents it by this time; for the Convent, which the Empress has caus’d to be erected there, is a great Inconvenience to that Prince, who cannot stir one Step at Home, without being overlook’d by the Nuns.

On the other Side of the City is another Suburb, which is very considerable, and the Walks there are very fine. The Prat, for Instance, is a Place mightily frequented; ’tis a Wood in an Island, form’d by the Danube, where there is such a surprizing Concourse of People in fine Weather, that it may well enough be call’d, The Boulogne Grove of Vienna. As one returns out of this Walk we come to another, call’d The Emperor’s Garden: Here was formerly a beautiful Palace, but the Turks having burnt it the last time they besieg’d Vienna, there is nothing of it to be seen now but the Ruins: The Garden is a large Spot of Ground, and, with a little Expence, might be made very fine, but no body seems to think about it, which I have been told is owing to the surprizing Swarms of Insects the Danube brings hither at certain Times of the Year, so that People who come hither to walk, are forc’d to desert it: When they can come without this Annoyance, the Gentry usually repair hither in the Evening; adjoining to this Garden is a very fine Wood, in which are cut out noble Walks: This, Madame, is all that is most remarkable in Vienna and its Suburbs, as to the Buildings; I will next endeavour to give you an Idea of this Court.

The Court of Vienna is, in my Opinion, the plainest, and at the same time the most magnificent in Europe: To explain this seeming Paradox, I must acquaint you, that, as to the external Appearance of the Emperor’s Houshold, nothing is so plain, nor indeed so dismal: His Liveries are of black Cloth, with a Lace of yellow and white Silk: The Cloathing of his Guards is much the same; and besides, they are not many in Number. The Palace, as I have had the Honour to tell you, is very inconsiderable; yet taking the Court all together, and considering the Number of Great and Petty Officers, the many rich Noblemen that spend high, and the several Princes that are in the Service of his Imperial Majesty, it must be confess’d, that there is not a Court in Europe so splendid as that of Vienna. At the Time that I was there, the Emperor had in his Service Two Brothers of a King, Two Princes of Royal Blood, and a great Number of Princes of Sovereign or other Honourable Families: Nor is there a Court where there is a more sudden Transition from the meanest to the most stately external Appearance, and this they commonly run to such an Extreme, that they absolutely renounce Elegancy, to incumber themselves with Magnificence: For on solemn Days, as those of Births, Marriages, &c. one sees nothing but Gold, Lace and Diamonds without Number: And as soon as these Holidays, which are call’d Gala, are expir’d, they all resume their former Plainness.

After having given you this general Idea of the Court of Vienna, I will acquaint you how they commonly spend their Time: First of all, as soon as the Emperor is risen, he is dress’d; then he reads some Dispatches, and sometimes gives Audience to some Minister, or assists in Council. He afterwards goes to Mass, either at his own Chapel, or to some Church, according to the Festival. On the Days of Ceremony or Festival he is accompany’d by the Nuncio and the Ambassadors, upon which Occasion the Emperor rides thither with very great Pomp. The Grooms of the Imperial Stables on Horseback begin the Cavalcade, then comes an Equerry, and a Coach drawn by Six Horses, in which sits the Master of the Horse: He is follow’d by the Chamberlains, the Knights of the Golden Fleece, and the Ministers, all on Horseback, in black Cloaths, and Cloaks trimm’d with Lace. After these come the Footmen and Heydukes, in an antic Dress, and bare-headed. Their Imperial Majesties Coach comes next, between Two Files of the Hundred Swiss: The Emperor rides always with his Face to the Horses, and the Empress over-against him, unless the Emperor goes into the Country, and then the Empress sits by his Side. The Pages and some of the inferior Officers of the Chamber follow on Horseback, and then Three or Four Coaches, with Six Horses, in which are the Empress’s Ladies: The Cavalcade is clos’d by a Company of the Garison at Vienna, which is maintain’d at the Charge of the City, and mounts Guard at the Emperor’s Palace, his Imperial Majesty having no other Foot Guards.

After Mass is ended, the Emperor returns to his Apartment, preceded by all his Court, as when he came. The Nuncio and the Ambassadors are covered, as is also the Emperor; then come the Empress and the Archduchesses, each led by the Steward of their Houshold.

When the Emperor is return’d to his Apartment, he retires to a Chamber call’d la Retirade, or the Withdrawing-Room, where he stays till Dinner-time, which, when ’tis serv’d up, the great Chamberlain goes and acquaints the Emperor, who comes and sits down at Table with the Empress, attended by all the Ladies. A Chamberlain or Treasurer of the Chambers presents the Bason for their Majesties to wash in, who afterwards seat themselves in Two-arm Chairs: The Table did not appear to me to be serv’d with very great Delicacy. The Plate is old-fashion’d, and all the Dishes were set without any Regularity. Their Imperial Majesties have particular Plates to themselves, for which Reason small Plates are commonly made use of; and I have seen no less than Five or Six Spoons upon the Table at a Time: The Emperor covers himself as soon as he is seated; then the Nuncio and Ambassadors likewise cover themselves, and keep their Standing round the Table, till their Majesties have drank; their Liquor is presented to them by a Chamberlain; after their Majesties have drank to one another’s Healths, the Steward, the great Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse and the Captain of the Guards step forward to receive the Emperor’s Orders, and to know how his Majesty will dispose of himself in the Afternoon. The Ladies of Honour and the Officers belonging to the Empress advance to that Princess in like manner, to know her Pleasure, and then every body retires, unless there is Music, which happens very often: The Dinner does not last much above an Hour: Their Majesties stay at Table till every thing is taken away, even so much as the Cloth, but then a fresh one is laid on, upon which the Treasurer places a Bason and an Ewer of Silver gilt, and presents them to their Majesties to wash. The great Chamberlain presents the Napkin to the Emperor, as the Lady of Honour does to the Empress: This done, their Majesties retire to their Withdrawing-Rooms, tho’ they often go out a Hunting, or to shoot at a Mark.

When the Emperor shoots at a Mark, several Persons are enter’d down in a List to shoot with him, and there are Prizes distributed by those who are of the Society of Shooters, of whom the Emperor gives the first Prize, the Empress the second, and then all the rest, according to the Seniority of their Admission into the Society. At their Return from this Diversion, the Emperor grants Audience to those that send to desire it by the great Chamberlain, who takes Care to let them know the Time when his Majesty is to be spoke with. These Audiences are given without Ceremony, and they that receive them are introduc’d by the Chamberlain in waiting. The Emperor stands up and is cover’d, leaning with his Back against a Table, with a Canopy over him, and an Arm-Chair by his Side: The Person that approaches for Audience bends the Knee Three times, first as he comes in, next when he is in the middle of the Room, and the third time when he begins to speak. The Emperor hearkens with Attention, gives a gracious Answer, and if there be any thing obscure in what is deliver’d to him, he desires an Explanation. When the Person has made an End of speaking, he bends one Knee to the Ground, and stretches forth his Hand, as a Signal that he desires to kiss that of the Emperor, which his Majesty never refuses. Then the Person retires, going backwards, and making the Three Obeisances that he made at Entrance. The same Ceremonies are observ’d in the Audiences of the Empresses; in order to obtain one from the Empress Regent, Application is made to the great Steward of her Household, who desires it, and then notifies what Hour will be most convenient for the Empress to grant it. At these Audiences there attends but one Lady of Honour, who keeps her proper Distance far enough to be out of the Hearing of what is said, while her Majesty’s great Steward stays at the Door in the Antichamber.

A shocking Abuse is crept into the Court of Vienna, in the Article of Audiences: The next Day after they have been had, the Domestics of the great Chamberlain and the great Steward come to demand a Fee for the Service done by their Masters in giving the Notice to their Majesties; and I have known some so impertinent, as to fix the Sum they claim’d a Right to. The Hundred Swiss and the very Ushers come likewise to wish happy Success to the Audience that has been obtain’d, merely for what they can get.

As soon as the Audiences are over, the Empress goes into a Room call’d, The Looking-Glass Room, because ’tis the only one in her Apartment where there are such Glasses: There her Majesty finds the Ladies, who kiss her Hand one after the Other, after which the Empress sits down to Play; none but the Ladies have the Honour to play with her, or have Permission to enter into that Room, excepting indeed the Emperor, the great Chamberlain, the great Steward, and the Princes who are related to the Empress. While they are at Play, the Ladies are seated round the Table, without observing any Precedence; nor is it even as ’tis in France, where the Honour of the Tabouret or Stool to sit on is paid only to the Duchesses; for at Vienna those who are call’d Duchesses by way of Railery, are treated as if they were such in Reality.

There’s another Custom at Vienna, very different from the Practice at other Courts of Europe: Here are no Days fix’d for Drawing-Rooms or Circles, so that the Ladies, when they think proper, send to the Lady of Honour in waiting, to know of her at what time they may pay their Court to the Empress; and then they repair to the Palace at the Time appointed.

Towards Supper-time the Emperor goes to see the Empress; when the Company gives over Play, and the Empress rises, and admits those Ladies that are not to stay at Supper to kiss her Hand; after which their Majesties seat themselves at Table, which is serv’d much after the same manner as at Dinner: Their Majesties always sup in the Empress’s Apartment, where Two Wax Candles are plac’d upon the Table, which are chang’d Three or Four Times by one of the Maids of Honour: When she takes off a Candle, to give it to the Treasurer to snuff it, she makes a profound Curt’sy, and makes another when she replaces it on the Table. On the Gala or Festival Days, there is Music during the Repast. After the Bason has been presented to their Majesties to wash their Hands in, the Governess or Mother of the Maids presents the Napkin to the Emperor; and a Maid of Honour, who is at the same time Lady of the Golden Key, presents it to the Empress. When the Archduchesses sup with their Majesties, the same Bason is presented to them that the Emperor has wash’d in, and a Maid of Honour presents them with the Napkin; and when the Emperor is risen from the Table, the Two first Archduchesses give the Emperor his Hat, and the Empress her Fan and Gloves; but, in the Absence of the Archduchesses, this is done by a Lady of Honour and a Maid of Honour, who must also be a Lady of the Golden Key: After this, the Ladies who waited at Supper kiss the Empress’s Hand, as her Majesty goes out of the Room, into the Chamber of Looking-Glasses. As soon as their Majesties are in this Chamber every body retires, to go to the Assembly, which, when I was at Vienna, was held at the House of Madame de Rabutin, whither came all the Beau Monde. Prince Eugene of Savoy was there too every Night, where he play’d constantly at Picquet with the Countess de Badiani and some other Ladies. About 11 o’Clock the Company retir’d to the Places where they had appointed to sup, tho’ Supper is a Meal they seldom indulge themselves with, all the grand Entertainments being made at Dinners, and those extremely late.

The Empresses Dowagers are serv’d at Table with the same Ceremonies as the Empress Regent, and they commonly eat alone, with only the Archduchesses their Daughters. The Empress Mother always ate in private, but on Sundays and Days of Festival or Gala, the Empress Dowager din’d in public.

I had the Honour to acquaint you before, when I was mentioning the Empresses Dowagers, that they never quit their Mourning; but this must be only understood of their Persons, for their Officers and other Domestics are clad in Colours: Yet, as to their Maids of Honour, let the Day of Gala be never so grand, the Bodies of their Gowns must be a black Ground, embroider’d with Gold and Silver, but their Petticoats may be of what Colour they please. Those Princesses are never at any Play or Ball: As for the Archduchesses, it being the Custom at Vienna for Sisters to dress alike, they must be dress’d all in their Hair upon the Days of Ceremony and Gala, as well as their Maids of Honour: They generally wear the Court Dresses; but on the Days of grand Ceremony they wear Robes, much like Children’s Vests, and very wide Petticoats with great Trains.

Upon the Days of Gala there are commonly Operas and Comedies: Their Imperial Majesties sit in the Pit, the Emperor in the chief Place, and the Empress on his Left, and the Archduchesses are in the same Row. All those of the Imperial Family have Arm-Chairs of the same Size and Height, with a Stand behind, upon which is a Wax Candle. Their Operas are magnificent, as to the Decorations and Habits, and good Judges have assur’d me, that their Music is excellent; but for my own Part I think them as sad as most of the Italian Operas, because neither of ’em are accompany’d with Dances, or any agreeable Entertainment.

I think, Madame, that I have related within a Trifle every Thing that is remarkable at Vienna, whether at Court or in the City: I shall now give you a short Account of the Persons who compos’d that august Court at the Time that I stay’d there.

Charles VI. was then upon the Imperial Throne, who is the second Son of the Emperor Leopold: After the Death of Charles II. King of Spain, he was own’d King of that Monarchy by all the Princes of the Grand Alliance, and he then took the Name of Charles III. He went to his Kingdom, and shew’d the Spanish Nation, that he was worthy of being their Sovereign. The Death of the Emperor Joseph, his Eldest Brother, oblig’d him to return to Germany, and when he was at Genoa he heard, that he was chose Emperor. I have already had the Honour to give you an Account of his Coronation. The Reign of this Monarch has been signaliz’d by happy Events; the famous Peace concluded with France, restor’d that Tranquillity to the Empire which it had been for a long time depriv’d of, and that which was concluded some Years after with the Turks, secur’d the Happiness of Hungary, and all the hereditary Dominions.

The Name of the Empress is Elizabeth Christina of Wolfembuttle Blanckenberg: She is a Princess, who, besides all the Qualities of the Mind, has the most advantagious Aspect: She is the finest Personage at her Court, and ’tis easy to see by her majestic Carriage, that she was form’d by Nature to wear one of the chief Crowns in the World: She is very magnificent in her Apparel, and especially in Diamonds, of which she has to the Value of several Millions, and the Number is daily increasing by considerable Presents she receives from the Emperor. This Prince does Justice to the Merit of his august Spouse, who on her Part makes it her whole Care to give him Proofs of her Affection; ’tis impossible to find a more perfect Unity than that which is between their Imperial Majesties: There are Three Princesses by this Marriage; I had the Honour to see only the Two Eldest, for the Third was born some Years after my Journey to Vienna.

She that is first in Rank, next to the Empress and the Archduchesses her Daughters, was the Empress, Dowager of the Emperor Leopold, Eleonora Magdalena Theresa of Newbourg: She was the Mirrour of the whole Court for Piety; for she spent most of her Time in Prayers at the Altars, or else in bestowing Charities, which were always very great. The Greatness of her Birth seem’d to make her uneasy, and she was vex’d to see the Honours which her Rank and Merit had entail’d upon her; she dy’d in a very advanc’d Age: She had several Princes and Princesses by the Emperor Leopold, as 1. Joseph-Jacob, who dy’d Emperor at Vienna, the 17th of April 1711. 2. Charles, the present Emperor, and Three Archduchesses; the one marry’d to the King of Portugal; another, Governess of the Netherlands; and the Third, who resides at the Court of Vienna.

The Empress Dowager of the Emperor Joseph resides also at the Court of Vienna, and her Name is Wilhelmina-Amelia: She is the Daughter of the late Duke of Hanover, Uncle to the King of England. After the Death of her Father, who left no Male Issue, this Princess went and stay’d some time in France, and her Sister having marry’d the Prince of Modena, she accompany’d her into that Country, where she stay’d till her Marriage, which was concluded at Modena with the Emperor Joseph, then King of the Romans; for whom the Duke her Brother-in-Law marry’d her as Proxy: She went afterwards to Vienna, where she was the Admiration of the whole Court, not only for the Lustre of her Person, but for the other Qualities with which Nature has endow’d her: She took Care to cultivate her Mind with much Reading, and especially by the Study of the Languages, to which she gave great Application with Success, and she understands French and Italian as well as her native Language. This Princess had several Children by the Emperor her Husband, of whom there are but Two Princesses living; the one call’d Maria-Josepha, marry’d to the Electoral Prince of Saxony, now King of Poland; and the other call’d Maria-Amelia, marry’d to the Electoral Prince, now the Elector, of Bavaria.

These, Madame, were the Persons of whom the Imperial Family then consisted: I had the Honour in a few Days after my Arrival to kiss the Hands of all this august Family, and was afterwards introduc’d to the Ministers; so that in a very little time I was known by the whole Court, and was so happy, as to acquire some Friends of Distinction, who gave me Marks of their good Will, without putting me to the Trouble of dancing Attendance, and desir’d Prince Eugene to give me an Employment: I had the Honour to wait on that Prince with particular Letters of Recommendation, that I brought from the Elector Palatine. The Prince, who receiv’d me very kindly, told me, that he could not insure me a Place, because the Colonels dispos’d of all the Employments in their Regiments; but that he would oblige me to the utmost of his Power; and indeed some time after, he was so good as to speak for me to the Count Max—— of S——, who gave me a Company in his Regiment, which was then in Sicily. I was mightily charm’d with this Present, and imagin’d that Fortune was at length weary of having so long thwarted me: Yet when I began to think coolly of the Matter, I had some Reflections which made me relapse into my former Melancholy: I was not in Cash, and I saw that I could not avoid being at a considerable Expence. Besides, I had contracted some dribbling Debts, which I wanted to clear before I left Vienna: My Equipage was so much out of Repair, that it would cost some Money to remount it; and finally, there was a Necessity for my going to Sicily; all which Things were not to be done with a trifling Expence: Upon this Occasion I receiv’d fresh Proofs of the Affection of my Friends, who all interested themselves for me effectually: Madamoseille de K——, Maid of Honour to the Empress Dowager, procur’d me a Gratuity from her Imperial Majesty; and the Countess of W——, at whose House I was every Day, advanc’d me a Thousand Ducats, saying, That I should pay her when I was able, or rather, when I was preferr’d to be a Lieutenant-General. She accompany’d her Generosity too with some Advice, that was truly wise and christian, and seem’d to come rather from the Lips of a Mother than a Friend. This Lady was heartily glad that I had chang’d my Religion, and was the more willing to assist me in making an End of my Affairs, for Fear that I should be overcome by the Temptation of turning Protestant again, for the Sake of getting Employment in my own Country.

You see, Madame, by what I have just had the Honour to mention to you, that I was now in a Condition to quit Vienna with Credit, and indeed my Stay there was no longer than to be a Spectator of Two great Solemnities, of which I am next to give you a Description: The first was the Entry of a Turkish Ambassador, and the second the Marriage of the Archduchess Maria-Josepha with the Electoral Prince of Saxony; upon both which Occasions the Imperial Court made the fullest Display of its Magnificence.

As to the Entry of the Ambassador, I may venture to say, it was only magnificent on the Part of the Imperial Court, for in Truth the Mahometan’s whole Train and Equipage were very inconsiderable. This Ambassador’s Name was Ibrahim Basha; he had 600 Men in his Retinue, but they were all very shabbily rigg’d. Till the Day of his Entry he stay’d in a Camp, which he had caus’d to be form’d Two Leagues from Vienna; I went thither with some Friends to see him: He receiv’d us with very great Civility, and made us a Present of Coffee and Sweetmeats. During this Collation I took a minute View of the Inside of his Tent, which was really stately, and the largest that I ever saw: On the Ground there was a noble Carpet spread, and over that a Sort of Foot-cloth of Crimson Sattin, embroider’d with Gold, on which sate the Ambassador, with rich Cushions about him of the same: On this same Foot-cloth, at the Ambassador’s Right Hand sate the Secretary of the Embassy: Round the Ambassador there was about a Score of Turks tolerably well dress’d, and among them Three or Four clever likely young Fellows; in particular I observ’d a Moor there, that was the handsomest Man I ever saw: His Dress was richer than the Garb of the other Turks, and, as I was told, he was the Ambassador’s special Favourite. After we had talk’d awhile with him, and were taking our Leave of him, he was so civil as to offer to shew us his Camp, which we with Pleasure accepted, and set out accordingly with a Person that the Ambassador gave us for our Guide.

This Camp took up more Space of Ground than would have serv’d for 2000 Men. The Tents were a great way from one another, and plac’d without any Order. Their Horses, Oxen and Camels were all stow’d higledy pigledy. But the Ambassador’s particular Equipage was in a Sort of Park, inclos’d by Toils like those that are us’d in Hunting: Every thing was to the last Degree slovenly, the inferior Domestics especially were the most disagreeable Gentry I ever saw; they had not Cloaths to their Backs, but what were in Rags and Tatters; and the chief Domestics were but little better rigg’d; several of them however were mighty civil to us, and desirous to regale us in their Tents.

Some Days after this our Visit, the Ambassador made his Entry with great Ceremony; the Marshal of the Court went and met him Half a League out of Vienna, at the Head of the Magistrates of the City, those made free by the Court, all the Trading Companies and Gentlemen, all well mounted and richly dress’d: The Ambassador was dragg’d along by a Pair of wretched Horses in one of his own Coaches, which was a little low Chariot, made almost like the cover’d Waggons of Holland, except that instead of Wax Cloth and Leather, it was cover’d with a red Cloth. When the Ambassador and the Marshal of the Court came near to one another, they both alighted, and after mutual Compliments mounted their Horses: There were carry’d before the Ambassador Three Horse-Tails and the Standard of Mahomet, which is a great Pair of Colours of green Taffeta, all sprinkled with Crescents of Gold: He who carry’d it was on Horseback, and that the End of the Colours might not trail upon the Ground, a Man that was on Foot held up the Corners of it. The Ambassador was preceded by all his Equipage, in which there was Half a Dozen of Waggons, cover’d with ragged Tilts, and drawn each by Four scrubbed Horses, that were led by Carters, whose Cloaths were in a very bad Pickle. After this Equipage came the Ambassador’s Officers, and then twelve Horses, of which the Sultan made a Present to the Emperor. Behind the Ambassador there march’d a Company of Spahis, that carry’d Pikes, with small Standards at the End of various Colours. These were follow’d by a Company of Janizaries, who, tho’ but meanly clad, made a very warlike Appearance, their Arms and Legs being both naked: The March was closed by a Regiment of Hussars.

This Train pass’d before the Palace call’d la Favorita, in View of the Emperor and Empress, and then went thro’ the City, passing the Bridge over the Danube, into the Suburb of Leopoldstat, where a House was prepar’d for him, according to antient Custom, which is, that no Turkish Ambassador must ever lodge in the City of Vienna.

The Ambassador seem’d to be very scrupulous in his Observation of the Ceremonial: He was loth to consent, that the Janizaries should carry their Muskets on their Shoulders, when they pass’d before the Emperor at his Palace la Favorita; and pleaded in Excuse, that the Janizaries did not march so even in Presence of the Sultan. He stood also upon his Punctilio in some other Trifles, to which however he was oblig’d to submit, or he was threaten’d that he should not make his Entry. The Ambassador on his Part to shew his Resentment, caus’d only Two Horse-Tails to be carry’d erect, and the Third downwards; but seeing that no body car’d for his being out of Humour, he soon came to himself again, and then was treated with Civility. He seem’d to be very fond of good Order, and caus’d some of his Domestics, who had committed certain Enormities, to be severely punish’d.

While the Ambassador stay’d at Leopoldstat, Vienna swarm’d with Turks, most of whom having never been out of their own Country, star’d with so much Surprise at every thing they saw, that it afforded daily Diversion to the Public. One Day I observ’d a Turk entring St. Stephen’s Church at the Time when there was no Service, nor so much as a Soul in the Church. I was so curious as to follow him at a Distance, and to observe all his Motions, which made me very merry: The Place at which he discover’d the greatest Astonishment was the Choir, the Form of the Clergy’s Stalls there, the Construction of the High Altar; in a Word, every thing was to him a perfect Novelty: But the Thing which seem’d to puzzle him most of all was, a noble Lamp burning in the midst of the Choir: He turn’d round and round it again, and view’d it on every Side for a long while, but seem’d as much confounded as at first, wondring to be sure how they did to kindle it. Mean time, after a little Pause, he observ’d a String underneath it, which he took into his Head to pull, and finding that all came towards him, he brought the Lamp down to the Ground. I observ’d that he was mightily pleas’d that he had found out the Meaning of the Difficulty which had so much perplex’d him; and when the Fire was so near him, he pull’d a long Pipe out of his Pocket with so much Gravity, that I could not help smiling; and after he had lighted it at the Lamp, he hoisted it to the Place it was in before, and then went out.

Not many Days after the Entry of the Turkish Ambassador was the Ceremony of the Marriage of the Archduchess Maria-Josepha to the Electoral Prince of Saxony. The Marriage had been projected a long time, and ’tis even said, that the Emperor Joseph had promis’d the King of Poland in Writing to give his Eldest Daughter to the Electoral Prince, on Condition that he would turn to the Catholic Religion. Meantime, while this Match hung in Suspence, the Electoral Prince of Bavaria enter’d the List, which very much embarras’d the Court of Vienna, who did not know for which Match to determine. The Person employ’d in this Negotiation by the Saxon Court was the Count de Wackerbarth. Soon after him the Electoral Prince in Person came to the Court of Vienna, and when he was oblig’d to return, he left the Count de Lagnasco there to take Care of his Interest; who at length obtain’d the Emperor’s Consent, and the Count de F—— came with the Character of Ambassador to demand the Princess of the Emperor, which was done with very great Solemnity. As I was curious to know the Ceremonies usual upon such Occasions, I went to the Count de F——, on the Day that he was to go on the Emperor for his Audience. Who should I see arrive but the Count D’Oropesa, a Grandee of Spain, Knight of the Golden Fleece, and one of the Emperor’s Chamberlains, in a Coach drawn by Six Horses, follow’d by a second Coach and Six, with the Emperor’s Arms and Liveries: His Imperial Majesty’s Footmen and the Count’s Lackeys walk’d on each Side of the first Coach. The Count de F—— receiv’d the Count D’Oropesa as he alighted out of his Coach, and conducted him into a Room, where Two Chairs of State were plac’d under a Canopy of Crimson Velvet, inrich’d with Embroidery and Gold Fringe; and over the Chairs was plac’d the Picture of the King of Poland. The Two Counts seated themselves in the Chairs of State, the Ambassador giving the Right Hand to the Count. They were both cover’d, talk’d for about a Quarter of an Hour, and then went out. The Ambassador stepp’d first into the Emperor’s Coach, and then the Count D’Oropesa, the former riding forwards, and the latter backwards over-against him. Four of the principal Saxon Gentlemen in the Ambassador’s Retinue went into the second Coach. Then the March began, when one of the Coaches of the Court led the Way, follow’d by one of the Ambassador’s Officers, at the Head of Twenty-four of his Excellency’s Lackeys; the Coach wherein the Two Counts rode follow’d next; the Emperor’s Footmen and the Count D’Oropesa’s Lackeys walking on each Side: Then came Eight of the Ambassador’s Pages, Four of whom were in the German, and Four in the Polish Dress; their Coats were of blue Velvet lac’d with Gold: Four Pages of the Back-stairs clad in blue Cloth lac’d with Gold follow’d the other Pages, and Three of the Ambassador’s Coaches with Six Horses each clos’d the March: In this Order did the Train arrive at the Palace; the Ambassador’s first Coach enter’d alone into the Inner Court, the Two others stay’d in the Outer Court. The Ambassador found the Emperor under a Canopy, and in the Name of the King his Master demanded the Archduchess of him in Marriage for the Electoral Prince: The Emperor made him Answer, that he was very willing, on condition that the Empress, Mother to the Archduchess, and the Archduchess herself gave their Consent. After this Audience the Ambassador was conducted to the Empress Regent, and to the Empress Mother, of whom he made the same Demand, almost in the same Terms. The Princesses answer’d, That if the Emperor was willing, and the Empress Amelia and the Archduchess consented to it, they should see the Marriage concluded with Pleasure: Then the Ambassador was conducted to an Audience of the Empress Amelia, of whom he made the same Demand, telling her too of the Answer he had receiv’d from the Emperor and the Empresses. This Empress made Answer, That the Emperor’s Will was always Her’s, that the Electoral Prince was a Match that she lik’d, and that she hop’d the Archduchess her Daughter would not be against it; and that she would go that Instant, and let her know what he came about: At the same time she turn’d to the Countess of Caraffa, her Lady of Honour, and bad her send for the Archduchess: This Princess, being in an adjacent Room, came that Moment, dress’d most richly: And the Empress told her what the Ambassador had just declar’d to her on the Part of the King of Poland, relating to her Marriage with his Son the Electoral Prince: She added, that the Emperor, the Empresses and Herself had agreed to the Match; that nevertheless she was left absolutely to her own Disposal, and that the Emperor did not mean to constrain her: The Archduchess made Answer, That she had no Objection to the Marriage, and that she obey’d their Imperial Majesties Orders with Respect. After this Declaration the Ambassador advanc’d, and addressing himself to the Archduchess, presented her with the Electoral Prince’s Picture adorn’d with Diamonds, which this Princess accepted, and without looking on it gave it to the Empress her Mother: The Empress, after having diligently view’d it, went to fasten it to the Body of the Archduchess’s Gown, but the Ambassador desir’d her Imperial Majesty to grant him that Honour; and after this Ceremony he return’d to his Palace as he came.

The Emperor, the Empress Regent and the Empress Mother went to the Apartment of the Empress Dowager, where, after mutual Compliments of Congratulation, their Majesties din’d together. In the Evening the Emperor and the Empresses went to pay a Visit to the Archduchess, that was to be marry’d, where the whole Court was present, and there was great Play, after which their Imperial Majesties and the Archduchess went and supp’d with the Empress Amelia.

Some Days after this, the Ambassador of Poland went again in Ceremony, but with his own Coaches, to the Palace la Favorita, where, in the Presence of all the Imperial Family, all the Ministers and Privy Counsellors, and the Knights of the Golden Fleece, he solemnly renounc’d the Right of Succession in the Name of the King his Master, and of the Electoral Prince of Saxony, in case it pleas’d God that the Emperor should dye without Male Issue. The Count de Sinzendorf, Chancellor of the Court, read the Act of Renunciation to all present, after which the Emperor demanded the Consent of the Archduchess, and the Princess giving her said Consent, the Emperor order’d an Oath thereupon to be administer’d to her, which she took accordingly before the Archbishop of Valencia. This Prelate being dress’d in his Pontificalibus before an Altar that had been erected in the Chamber, gave the Book of the Gospels to the Princess, who laying her Hands thereon, solemnly renounc’d the Rights of Succession. The Ambassador swore the same Thing in the Name of the King his Master, and the Electoral Prince of Saxony.

In a few Days after this was done, the Electoral Prince set out from Dresden, and came to a House made ready for him Two Leagues from Vienna. Having sent Notice of his Arrival to the Emperor, the Empresses and the Archduchess, the Emperor dispatch’d the Count de Molard the chief Steward of his Kitchen to him, as the Empresses and the Archduchesses did the Gentlemen of their Housholds, to compliment him thereupon: Next Day the Prince came incognito to the Convent of Nuns founded by the Empress Amelia, who also repair’d thither with the Two Archduchesses her Daughters. After an Interview of about Half an Hour, the Archduchess, that was to be marry’d, and the Electoral Prince of Saxony, went to the Church, and there confess’d; which done, the Prince return’d to his House, which, as I have had the Honour to observe to you, was Two Leagues from Vienna. He came again from thence next Day at Six in the Evening, and alighted at the Palace la Favorita, where being conducted into the great Chamberlain’s Apartment, he there chang’d his Cloaths, and was then introduc’d by the great Chamberlain to the Emperor, and his Imperial Majesty led him to the Empress’s Apartment, where were the Two Empress Dowagers and all the Archduchesses. The Emperor presented the Prince to them, and then they went to the Chapel in the following Order: The March was begun by all the Lords and Ladies of the Court; then came the Electoral Prince, with one of his Gentlemen, bearing a Wax Candlestick before him. The Emperor immediately follow’d the Prince, and then came the Three Empresses and the Archduchess, who was supported by the Two Empress Dowagers, the Empress Regent walking foremost, as she always did where-ever they went: The latter had on a Straw-colour’d Gown of Silver Tissue, adorn’d with Diamonds, and her Head Dress was adorn’d all over with Pearls like Pears. The Archduchess, whom I shall hereafter call the Electoral Princess, was also very richly dress’d; she wore a Fardingale, and her Gown was of Silver Brocade adorn’d with Diamonds: Next to the Princess the Three Archduchesses walk’d one after another, led each by their Equerries: These Princesses were follow’d by their Ladies, whose Dresses were of extraordinary Magnificence. As soon as the Electoral Prince and Princess were arriv’d in the Chapel, they received the nuptial Benediction from the Archbishop of Vienna. When the Ceremony was ended, the Imperial Family return’d to the Empress’s Closet, where they stay’d near Two Hours, and then repair’d to the Table, in the same Order as they observ’d when they went to the Church. The Hall of the Festival was set off in an extraordinary manner; the Table was plac’d upon a Floor rais’d Three Steps, which form’d an oblong Square. The Emperor and the Three Empresses sate at one End; the Electoral Princess sate on the Right Side of the Table, and at the Right Hand of the Empress Mother; the Electoral Prince, who had the second Place on the Right Hand of the Princess, had a Chair with only a Back to it, and was serv’d by one of his own Chamberlains; whereas the Princess and the Archduchesses sate in Arm-chairs, and were attended by the Emperor’s Chamberlains: Over-against the Princess, on the Left Hand of the Empress Amelia, sate the Archduchess her Daughter, and the Two Archduchesses the Emperor’s Sisters: The Court Ladies stood all round the Table till their Imperial Majesties had each drank once, and then they went to sit down at Tables serv’d in different Rooms, but return’d to the Desart: There was such a Number of Services, that the Supper held a long time, during which it was animated by excellent Music: In the same Room a Sort of Gallery was erected for the Turkish Ambassador, who saw all the Supper, and was attended by 30 of his Domestics. Care was taken to serve him with Sweetmeats and other Refreshments; and the Interpreter having ask’d him what he thought of the Magnificence of the Court of Vienna; he answer’d very gallantly, That noble as this Appearance was, there was nothing so grand in the whole Entertainment as the Person of the Empress.

After Supper was ended, the Empress Dowagers led the Princess into her own Apartment, and did not retire till she was in Bed: Next Day the Prince and Princess receiv’d the Compliments of the whole Court; they din’d afterwards with the Emperor and the Empresses, and at Night went and saw a new Opera, that was compos’d upon account of their Nuptials. The Emperor sate there as usual, with the Empress on his Left Hand, and the Archduchesses one after another in the same Row; the Electoral Princess preserv’d the Precedence due to her Birth; the Electoral Prince sate in the same Line as the Emperor, but after all the Archduchesses. The Opera was most magnificent, yet I thought it very tedious, for really ’twas too long; and besides, the Heat was intolerable: When the Opera was over, the Imperial Family supp’d together, as they did next Day at Dinner, which was the last Meal that the Prince and Princess made at Vienna; for as soon as they rose from Table, they took Leave of the Emperor and the Empresses, and set out for Dresden. There arose some Difficulty touching the Ceremonial that was to be observ’d as they pass’d thro’ Prague, to avoid which the Electoral Prince went before, and pass’d round the Town; but the Princess made her Entry there.

As soon as the Princess was gone, I began to think what a tedious Journey I should have before I could join my Regiment, which, as I have had the Honour to tell you, was in Sicily. As this Journey would naturally keep me a long time out of my own Country, I was willing first of all to settle my Affairs. For this Reason I desir’d a Month’s Furlough, and went to Dresden, from whence I sent for my Steward to come and meet me. I chose to stay at Dresden rather than Berlin, not only on account of the Solemnity of the Princess’s Entry, of which I was fond to be a Spectator, but because of the Enemies I had at the Court of Prussia, who would perhaps have done me some ill Office with the King. Having set out from Vienna a few Days after the Electoral Princess, I arrived at Dresden the same Day that her Highness made her Entry there. The Preparations made for receiving the Princess were of the utmost Magnificence, so that one could hardly imagine any thing more rich and gay. In order to give you some Idea of the Polish Magnificence, I will resume my Narrative from the Time of the Princess’s Departure from Prague.

As soon as the King had Notice that the Princess was gone from Prague, he sent the Count de Wackerbarth, Grand Master of the Artillery, at the Head of several Gentlemen, to meet her: The Count, who met the Princess on the Frontiers of Bohemia, complimented her in the King’s Name, and presented those Officers to her which his Majesty sent to attend her; for till then she had been waited on by the Officers of the Emperor, who had all along defray’d her Expences. Her Highness proceeded in her Journey to Pirna, the first Town in Saxony, where she was receiv’d by the Electoral Prince, and saluted by the Cannon of the Castle of Sonnenstein. Next Day, at 7 o’Clock in the Morning, the Prince and Princess went on board the Bucentaure, which was a Galley finely rigg’d, and call’d by that Name, because ’twas built after the Model of the Bucentaure of Venice: Their Galley was accompany’d by 100 Gondolas, painted and richly gilded, and by 12 Fregates, from 6 to 12 Guns each: All the Gondoliers and Sailors had Jackets of Sky-blue Sattin, and Breeches of yellow Sattin, lac’d with Silver. With this gallant Fleet, worthy to carry Thetis and Amphitrite, the Prince and Princess arriv’d within Half a League of Dresden.

The King went in Cavalcade to the Place where the Princess landed, some Hours before her Arrival, and was attended by the Nobility of his Court, all richly dres’d. The King especially was attir’d most sumptuously, in shorn Velvet of a purple Colour, adorn’d with Diamonds, to the Value of Two Millions of Crowns: He caus’d his Standard to be carry’d before him by a Polander, arm’d cap-a-pie. As soon as he came to the Landing-Place, he made a Review of the Train that was to compose the Entry, and retir’d afterwards to a magnificent Tent, lin’d with yellow Velvet, adorn’d with Silver Lace, to wait the Arrival of the Princess.

As soon as the Bucentaure came near enough to be seen from Land, she made a triple Discharge of all her Artillery, which were answer’d by the Cannon of Five Yatchts that were at Anchor on the Elbe, over-against the King’s Tent, and from the Batteries on Shore.

During this the King went to the Ships, over a Bridge erected for that Purpose, and cover’d with green Tapistry, sprinkled with Flowers. The Bucentaure dropping her Anchor, the Princess made ready to meet the King: When she came near him, she would fain have kiss’d his Hand, but the Monarch embrac’d her tenderly, and conducted her to his Tent, where he had some Conversation with the Prince and Princess, and then left them to return to Dresden.

The Prince and Princess sate down to Table, and a grand Breakfast was serv’d up; then the Boards of the Tent were struck down, that their Highnesses might see the Troops and Equipage march by that were to compose their Retinue at their Entry into Dresden: All this lasted about Two Hours; then came a stately Coach drawn by Eight Horses, being the Equipage that was for the Princess, who sate in it alone, while the Prince her Husband rode on Horseback, and they made their Entry with all the Pomp and Magnificence possible.

I own to you, Madame, that I was so charmed with the Disposition that was observ’d in this Procession, and especially with the Richness and Elegancy of the Habiliments, that I cannot resist the Temptation I feel to give you the Particulars, but must submit to it, tho’ I run the Risque perhaps of being thought too tedious.

The Cavalcade was open’d by the King’s Harbinger on Horseback, in the Saxon Livery, which was yellow Cloth, with broad Lace of blue Velvet, mix’d with Silver Lace.

Then came 2 Post Masters.

The Baron de Mordax, Post Master General, preceded by his Domestics on Foot.

40 Post Masters of Saxony clad in white with yellow Lace, the whole edg’d with Silver, as were also the Housings of their Horses, which were all over black.

100 Postilions dress’d in yellow with blue Lace, they had Caps like Dragoons, and the Housings of their Horses were embroider’d with the King’s Arms.

120 Led Horses richly caparison’d, belonging to the chief Lords of the Court.

A Kettle-Drummer and 6 Trumpets, dress’d in the antique Garb in black Cloth and yellow, with Gold Lace.

50 Halberdiers on Horseback, dress’d also in the antique manner, in the yellow, black and gold Colours, bearing Halberds: These represented the ancient Guards of the Electors of Saxony.

The Nobility of Lusatia dress’d in black Velvet, with Buttons and Button-holes of Gold.

24 Horses cover’d with great Housings of yellow Cloth, adorn’d with 2 Silver Lace Edgings, and the embroider’d Arms of the 24 Cities or Provinces of Saxony and Poland.

A Kettle-Drummer and 6 Trumpets, habited like the former.

The Nobility of Saxony dress’d in black Velvet Coats, with Buttons and Loops of Gold, and Waistcoats of Gold Brocade.

50 Halberdiers on Horseback, dress’d and arm’d like the former.

A Regiment of Dragoons, whose Regimental Cloaths were red, fac’d with grey, and edg’d with Silver Galoon; the Housings of the Horses were likewise red, and embroider’d with Silver; and the Dragoons were dress’d exactly like the Officers, only they had not Silver Lace.

120 Coaches and 6 Horses belonging to the Chamberlains and Ministers, each preceded by Lackeys and Running-Footmen, and surrounded by Heydukes, with 2 Pages in Front.

The King’s Huntsmen, consisting of 200 Persons, dress’d in green with Silver Lace.

A Regiment of Horse-Grenadiers, cloath’d in red, turn’d up with green: The Officers had Gold Lace, and their Caps were likewise embroider’d with Gold.

An Equerry of the Princess Royal, attended by 2 Grooms in the Saxon Livery on Horseback.

25 Hunting Horses, all English, belonging to the Electoral Prince: The Horses were cover’d with Housings of yellow Cloth, lac’d with Silver, and embroider’d with the Arms of Poland and Saxony.

Another of the Electoral Prince’s Equerries, at the Head of 36 Led Horses belonging to his Highness, which had Housings of yellow Velvet, adorn’d with Lace and Fringe of Silver; the Arms of Poland and Saxony being embroider’d upon each of the Saddle-cloths in 2 Escutcheons under a Royal Pavilion.

A Regiment of Cuirassiers, having their Cuirasses gilt, with white and straw-colour’d Plumes on their Helmets.

A Herald at Arms, wearing a Vest of yellow and blue Velvet, embroider’d with Silver, and a Cap of black Velvet, adorn’d with white and blue Plumes of Feathers.

A Kettle-Drummer and 12 Trumpeters in the Livery of Saxony.

3 of the King’s Equerries, follow’d by 36 English Horses, belonging to his Majesty, with Housings like to those of the Prince’s Hunting Horses.

The Governor and Sub-Governor of the Pages, in Cloaks of black Damask, adorn’d with black and Gold Lace.

24 of the King’s Pages, dress’d in the antique Mode, with Cloaks of blue and yellow Sattin, adorn’d with Lace, in the Saxon Livery; and with black Velvet Caps, adorn’d with white and blue Plumes.

40 Manag’d Horses, with Housings of yellow Velvet, embroider’d with Silver, led by Grooms in the Saxon Livery on Horseback.

An Equerry, follow’d by a Couple of Grooms in the Saxon Livery on Horseback.

24 Coaches of the King as Elector, with Sets of Horses of several Colours.

A Kettle-Drummer and 12 Trumpeters in the Saxon Livery.

A Litter of the King’s, plated all over with Silver, and adorn’d with yellow Velvet, embroider’d with Silver, carry’d by a Couple of Mules, richly harness’d: Their Bells were all of Silver, and their Pannels of yellow Velvet, embroider’d with Silver; they had great Plumes on their Heads of blue and white Feathers, and the Muleteers were dress’d in the Spanish Mode, but in the Saxon Livery.

After this Litter there follow’d 24 Mules, cover’d with yellow Cloth Housings, lac’d with Silver, and embroider’d with the Royal Arms; they had blue and white Plumes of Feathers, and their Bells and Paniers were of solid Silver.

A Regiment of Cuirassiers, whose Cuirasses were wash’d with Silver, and Helmets tufted with red and white Plumes.

A Herald at Arms, with a Vest of straw-colour’d Velvet, embroider’d with Gold, with the Arms of Poland.

2 Equerries in the Polish Habit.

A Kettle-Drummer and 12 of the King’s Trumpeters in the Polish Dress, in Scarlet with blue Velvet Lace, mix’d with Gold Lace.

36 Polish Led Horses, having red Velvet Housings, with the King’s Arms in Gold Embroidery.

A Governor of the Polish Pages on Horseback, follow’d by 24 Pages in the Polish Habit, of Scarlet with Vests of blue Sattin, the whole edg’d with an open Gold Lace.

3 of the King’s Equerries in the Polish Dress, Follow’d by 24 Turkish Horses richly caparison’d alamode de Turky, led by Grooms in the Polish Livery, but Turkish Habit, walking on Foot, and bearing each on their Left Arm a Tyger’s Skin, edg’d with scarlet Velvet, lac’d with Gold, and embroider’d with the King’s Arms.

24 open Calashes, drawn each by 6 Polish Horses, drove by Coachmen and Postilions in the Polish Habit.

A Litter of red Spanish Leather, lin’d with straw-colour’d Velvet, embroider’d with Gold, carry’d by 2 Mules, caparison’d after the Turkish Mode, with Pannels of scarlet Velvet, embroider’d with Gold, and drove by Muleteers in the Turkish Dress, but with the Polish Livery.

24 Mules caparison’d after the Turkish manner, with scarlet Velvet embroider’d with Gold.

A Regiment of Horse-Grenadiers dress’d in red, fac’d with blue, as were also the Officers, only with the Addition of a Silver Lace.

All the Colonels and Generals of the Troops dress’d uniform in Scarlet, with gilt Buttons.

The Veldt Marshal the Count de Flemming.

A Regiment of Dragoons in a red Livery fac’d with blue; only the Officers had their Facings and Vest embroider’d with Silver.

2 Harbingers of the Court.

All the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber, the Chamberlains and Ministers on Horseback, who were follow’d at some Distance by the Grand Marshal.

A Regiment of Dragoons, dress’d in red with yellow Facings, and the Coats of the Officers edg’d with a Gold Lace.

12 Running-Footmen with blue Damask Jackets lac’d with Silver, and Sashes of yellow Damask, embroider’d with Silver, and encompass’d with a Silver Fringe; these were follow’d by 24 Heydukes in the Saxon Livery.

The Hundred Swiss Guards, dress’d after the antique manner in the Saxon Liveries, walking in Two Files, with their Officers in the French Mode at their Head, in Sky-blue Coats, all of the same Pattern, with Silver Buttons and Button-holes, and Belts of Silver.

The Electoral Prince of Saxony was in the midst of the Hundred Swiss; he had a Coat on of Cloth of Silver, embroider’d with Gold and Diamonds, and was mounted on a fine Spanish Horse, the intire Equipage whereof was of Gold adorn’d with Diamonds. The Count de Lutzelbourg, great Steward of his Houshold, and the Baron de Galen, one of the Prince’s Chamberlains, immediately follow’d him.

The Prince was attended by 36 Footmen in the Saxon Livery, and by a Company of the King’s Life-Guards.

Then came at a little Distance a Moor on Horseback, in the Turkish Dress, all in Gold and Silver Brocade, bearing a Quiver of Arrows; he was follow’d by 24 Moors, dress’d also in the Turkish Habit, in scarlet Cloaths edg’d with blue and Gold Lace, and long Vests of white Sattin; and upon their Turbans they wore very fine Tufts of Feathers.

Immediately after came the Princess’s Coach between Two Files of the Hundred Swiss; ’twas adorn’d with crimson Velvet, cover’d all over with Gold Embroidery; the Roof was adorn’d with 8 great Plumes of white Feathers, and in the middle there were Tufts of Herons Feathers: This Equipage was drawn by 8 stately Neapolitan Horses, which had Harnesses of Crimson Velvet embroider’d with Gold, and Plumes of white Feathers upon their Heads, with noble Housings of Crimson Velvet embroider’d with Gold, and edg’d with Gold Fringe, which hung down to the Ground: The Coachman, Postilions and 8 Grooms led the Horses by Strings and Reins of Gold, and they had Coats of crimson Velvet, with Waistcoats fac’d with blue Velvet, and adorn’d with a broad Gold Lace.

Immediately after her Highness’s Coach the chief Steward of her Houshold follow’d on Horseback, attended by 24 Turks in Scarlet, with fine Tufts of Feathers on their Turbans.

A Company of the Life-Guards.

5 Coaches with the Saxon Livery, in which sat the Princess’s chief Lady and her Maids of Honour.

A Regiment of Horse, in a red Livery fac’d with blue, clos’d the March.

With this pompous Train the Princess arriv’d at the Palace: The Streets thro’ which her Highness pass’d were lin’d with 5000 Foot in new Cloaths: The Electoral Prince handed the Princess out of her Coach, and led her into the grand Apartment, where were the King and Queen and the whole Court: From the very Entrance of the Palace to the Guard-Room the Hundred Swiss were drawn up in Two Rows under Arms: The Guard-Room was lin’d with the Horse-Guards in scarlet Coats fac’d with blue, and blue Cloth Waistcoats embroider’d with Gold: The Life-Guards form’d the second Row, next to the Horse-Guards.

The King and Queen went to the third Antichamber to meet the Princess, when the King presented her to the Queen, whose Hand her Highness offer’d to kiss; but her Majesty embrac’d her, and taking her by the Hand, led her after the King into the Chamber of Audience: They stay’d there a few Moments, and then their Majesties and their Highnesses went into the Closet, from whence the Queen led her back in a little time to the Chamber of Audience, where she presented all the Ladies to her. Afterwards the Princess being fatigued retir’d to her Apartment, and the Court broke up till next Morning, when there was a Te Deum sung, during which there was a triple Discharge of the Cannon from the Ramparts, and of the small Arms from all the Infantry: After this Solemnity was over, the King and Queen din’d in State, at a Table forming an oblong Square, rais’d Three Steps from the Floor, and plac’d under a magnificent Canopy: The Prince and Princess din’d with their Majesties, the Prince at one End of the Table near the King, and the Princess at the other End by the Queen: They had Arm-Chairs, but not so high as were those of their Majesties.

At the same time there were 9 Tables spread for 30 Guests apiece, for the Ladies, the Courtiers, and the Foreigners: There was a fine Concert of Music during the Dinner, and at Night an Italian Opera.

The Court did not assemble next Day till the Evening, when there was a grand Ball, which the King open’d with the Queen: Their Majesties danc’d a Polish Dance to the Music of Kettle-Drums and Trumpets: When the Dance was over, the King led the Queen to a Place that was rais’d Three Steps above the Floor, under a rich Canopy. He then danc’d with the Princess, who danc’d afterwards with the Queen; and then the Queen danc’d with the Prince, who danc’d afterwards with the Princess: When all these Dances were ended, they began Minuets, and the Ball lasted till 2 o’Clock in the Morning, only it was thrice interrupted by Three Collations, which were serv’d up by 24 Polish Pages, as many Saxon Pages, and by the same Number of Moors and Turks, who had all the same Habits as they wore upon the Day of the Entry, which was a Sight as singular as it was magnificent.

The next Day after this Ball, which was the 5th of September, a Comedy was perform’d by French Comedians, who play’d Ariane, and l’Ete des Coquettes.

On the 6th there was a Battle of Beasts in Areas that were built for the Purpose.

On the 7th there was a grand Italian Opera, intitul’d Theophanes, in which the famous Musicians Senesino and Bercelli perform’d surprisingly. The Opera being longer than ordinary, the King, who sat in the Pit, supp’d there with the Queen and their Royal Highnesses: And at the same time there were little Tables serv’d in the Boxes for the Ladies.

There were also several very splendid Feasts on the Days following: On the 10th all these Rejoicings were concluded by a Pastoral, that was play’d in the Garden of the King’s Palace. There the King supp’d with the Queen and their Royal Highnesses, and 10 Tables were spread for 20 Guests at each, and serv’d all with Porcelain for the Court and Foreigners: After Supper there was a fine Firework play’d, representing the carrying off of the Golden Fleece: That was the last of the Entertainments I was present at, and I made ready to set out for Sicily, where my Employment required my Presence: Yet, before I leave Dresden, I must say a Word or two concerning the August Family, which resided there at that time.

The Royal Family consisted then of but Four Persons, the King, the Queen, the Electoral Prince and Princess.

The King is one of the best Princes that I ever knew; ’tis impossible to see him without being captivated by his graceful Mien; and his Civility wins the Hearts of all his Courtiers; he has all the Qualities fitting for a great King: His Father dying without Issue, he succeeded him in the Electorate of Saxony; and soon after, upon the Death of John Sobieski, the Poles chose him for their King: When he was no more than Elector, he commanded the Emperor’s Army, and gave authentic Proofs of his Wisdom and Valour.

The Queen is of the Family of Brandenbourgh Bareith, and was espous’d to the King, even before he was Elector: She is a Princess of a stately Port, and must have formerly been a Toast, on account of her Beauty, at the Time when she had more Colour in her Face, and less Flesh upon her Bones than she has now. She is very fond of Retirement, and bestows great Charities: She resides commonly at Torgau, or at Pretsch, and comes but very seldom to Dresden: She has a separate House from the King’s, which is very suitable to her Dignity; she has also a separate Chapel, the King having given her the old Chapel at Dresden and caus’d another to be built for Himself and the Catholics.

The Electoral Prince resembles the Queen very much: He is tall and very well set, and his Air plainly discovers him to be what he is: He delights very much in Hunting, and those Pleasures that require Exercise; which to be sure is very serviceable to him, for I thought him inclinable to grow fat: This Prince was very carefully educated by the Electoress his Grandmother, who was a Princess of Denmark: When he was able to support the Fatigues of Travelling the King sent him to Italy, and from thence to France, with a Retinue becoming the Son of a King; after which the Prince went to Vienna, and ’twas during the Stay he made at the Court that he had an Opportunity of observing the great Qualities of the Archduchess, now the Electoral Princess: You’ll judge by the Account I have had the Honour to give you of this Princess, that it were almost impossible but she must be very much belov’d at the Court of Saxony; and she soon got the good Wishes of the whole Nation, so that the very People who conceiv’d some Umbrage at the Prince’s Marriage, for Fear of their Religion, were quickly reconcil’d to it: For indeed what Violence was there room to apprehend from a Princess so highly distinguish’d for her Moderation and Good-nature?

These, Madame, were at the time the whole Royal Family; but now ’tis augmented by several Princes and Princesses, whom the Electoral Prince has had by the Princess his Spouse. Tho’ the Royal Family was not numerous when I was there, yet the Number and Magnificence of the Princes and Courtiers, who were then at Dresden, made it very splendid: I had the Honour to know most of them very well, and found them all alike, behaving affable to Foreigners, and agreeable to their Birth: I don’t undertake now to give you the Characters of those whom I had the Honour to be particularly acquainted with, being sensible that perhaps it would be a little too tedious: Nothing remains for me therefore but to give you some Account of the City of Dresden. [11] Dresden is one of the finest Towns in Germany for its Situation and its Structures; ’tis the Capital of Misnia in Upper Saxony. Charlemain was the first that caus’d it to be fortify’d; it has been for time out of Mind the ordinary Residence of the Dukes and Electors of Saxony, who have caus’d its Fortifications to be considerably augmented, and ’tis now a very strong Place: ’Tis divided by the River Elbe into Two Parts, call’d The New Town and The Old Town. In the latter stands the Prince’s Palace, which was formerly a very fine Building, but only a Part of it is remaining, the rest being consum’d by Fire. That which still exists contains very fine Apartments, which the King has accommodated to the modern Taste, and they are nobly furnished; but they belong only to the King and Queen; and the Prince and Princess live in a separate Palace, which communicates therewith by Galleries: This Palace was built by the Countess of Cosel, who liv’d in it when she was in high Favour. The Rooms are a little of the smallest, but perfectly well dispos’d, and they are adorn’d with fine Paintings, and very richly furnish’d: Near the King’s Palace there’s a very fine Garden, call’d Zuinger-Garten, which is semi-circled in the Shape of a Horse-shoe, with magnificent Buildings that form Arches, over which there runs an open Gallery, which unites Three large Pavilions: In the middlemost there’s a fine Grotto, on a Level with the Garden. The upper Story contains a very beautiful Saloon fac’d with Marble, with gilded Ornaments; the Ceiling is magnificent; the Windows instead of common Glass are embellished with very fine large Plate-Glass. The rest of the Building, which joins to this Garden, is of the same Magnificence, but yet perhaps a little too much incumber’d with carv’d Work.

Next to the Garden there is nothing finer to be seen than the King’s Stables and Riding-House. Over the Stables there are very fine large Rooms, in which is kept all the Furniture for the Horses: In this Part there is also a Number of stately Buildings, which render Old Dresden a very agreeable Place. The Streets are broad, most of them regular and well pav’d, and great Care is taken to keep up good Government in it.

This Quarter communicates with the new Town by a very beautiful Stone-Bridge: The first thing one meets with entring into New Dresden is a House that belongs to the King, and is call’d The Palace of Holland, because all the China Ware or Furniture, with which ’tis adorn’d, came from that Country: The Gardens of this House are very pleasant; and its Situation most charming by reason of the River Elbe, which runs just by it.

The Inhabitants of Dresden are Lutherans, as well as those of the rest of Saxony, and the Catholics have not so much as one Church in it; for the King being not willing to infringe the Laws of the Country, is content to have one Chapel there for himself and his Family. The Elector of Saxony bears the Title of Grand Marshal of the Empire, and is the Third in Rank among the Secular Electors.

Thus, Madame, have I given you what I saw most remarkable in the Electorate of Saxony: I own to you, I lik’d the Country very much, and the Civilities that I had the Honour to receive from the King, made me wish one while for a Place in his Service; but I made no Attempt for it, and very seriously bethought myself of my Journey to Sicily.

When I left Dresden, I took the Road to Munich, to which I made very great Haste, because I was so teiz’d with my old Ailment, for which La Peronie had me under Cure at Paris, that I did not care to delay, putting myself into the Hands of a Surgeon: The Person, who undertook me, was no less a Man than the Elector’s own Surgeon; who indeed gave me Ease for a few Days, but afterwards I was tormented worse than ever. However, I took the Opportunity of the easy Intervals I enjoy’d from the Surgeon’s Remedies to pay my Compliments to the Princes: I accompany’d them in Hunting and other Parties of Pleasure, as if I had been in perfect Health: The Count de Charolois, who was still at the Court of Bavaria, made an Agreement with the Princes of Bavaria, to ride Post to Saltzbourg, to see an Italian Opera, which the Archbishop gave there every Year to celebrate his Birth-Day: The Bavarian Princes set out first, and lodged in a paltry Cabaret in the Suburbs, because they had a Mind to be incog. The Count de Charolois set out from Munich at 8 o’Clock at Night, with only one Gentleman and myself: We rode all Night, and next Day at 5 in the Evening arriv’d at Saltzbourg: We alighted at the same Cabaret where the Bavarian Princes were, and went all together to the Opera: It was begun before we came, for which I was not a little sorry, because it was a Piece that was well worth seeing from the Beginning to the End of it: I assure you, Madame, that I never saw any thing so extraordinary: The Theatre, the Actors, the Performance were all to the utmost Degree ridiculous! The Opera Room was so low, that the Actors almost touch’d the Ceiling with their Heads: The Singing and Dancing were something comical: What most diverted me were the Interludes, which were executed by the Archbishop’s Pages. They consisted of Three Entries: The first was of Shepherds, who were known by their Dress; and they had not only Crooks in their Hands, but Sheep appear’d every now-and-then upon the Scene: The second Entry was of Huntsmen, who had all Hunting Horns; and while these danc’d, some, who mov’d the Machine, made the Skins of Hares stuff’d with Straw skip up and down the Stage: The third was of Fishermen, who carry’d Lines, to which were fasten’d Trouts; others appear’d with Nets full of live Fish, which made a very odd Shew, and was certainly the only one of the Kind: I must not forget to tell you, that, during the Performance, such Complaisance was shewn to all the Spectators, that they were presented with great Silver Goblets full of Wine or Beer to refresh them: The Princes diverted themselves very much with this Piece, and ’twas a long rime before they could get the Archbishop’s Opera out of their Heads: For my Part, I can scarce forbear Laughing to this Day, whenever I think on’t.

Notwithstanding all that the Princes could do to be incog. they were known, and the Archbishop, who was inform’d of their Arrival upon the very Day, immediately sent one of his Gentlemen to invite them to Supper, desiring at the same time to be excus’d for not waiting on them in Person, which he assur’d them he should have done, if he had not been made acquainted, that they were willing to be incog. The Bavarian Princes were ready enough to accept of the Archbishop’s Supper; and for my own Part, I had so little Hopes of finding any thing that was good in that pitiful Cabaret where we were, that I should have been glad with all my Heart to have been at the Archbishop’s Table. But the Count de Charolois would by no means accept of the Invitation, and out of Complaisance to him, the Bavarian Princes refus’d it likewise; however, they paid the Archbishop a Visit, and the Count de Charolois went along with them by the Name of the Count de Dammartin; I had also the Honour to accompany them: The Archbishop receiv’d the Princes without any Ceremony, according to their Desire, and they stood all the time of the Visit, which was very short. The Princes return’d to the Inn, where we had a Supper, serv’d up exactly in the Gout of our Opera. Mean time, we had not eaten any thing for 24 Hours; and to refresh us, the first Dish that was brought in was Lobsters and a Sallad, and the next a Leveret, which was not dress’d enough, and therefore we sent it to the Kitchen to be turn’d into a Ragou; but ’tis probable, that our Cook had not Experience enough to make Ragous; for he only put our Leveret in a large Kettle of Water, and boil’d it to a Jelly; and in this Condition it was serv’d up: This insipid Dish was follow’d by a Couple of Ducks and Four Thrushes. Notwithstanding the Scantiness of this Repast, they did not rise from Table till late at Night, and then the Princes of Bavaria went to Bed, but as for the Count de Charolois, he would stay in the Place no longer than he had supp’d, and I had the Honour to go off with him. We return’d to Munich, but went by the way of Alten-Ottingen, in order to see the Treasure that is kept in the Vestry of the miraculous Chapel of the Virgin: This Treasure, which contain’d very fine Things, was inrich’d with Abundance of noble Presents, made by most of the Sovereigns in Europe. From thence we set out for Munich, where we arriv’d after a Ramble of Three Days and as many Nights, in which we could boast of having travell’d near 40 German Leagues, to see the most scoundrel Opera that could ever be imagin’d.

The Fatigue of this Journey made my Disorder much worse: The Surgeons at Munich even refus’d to take me in hand, and all my Friends advis’d me to make a Tour to Paris, where the most able Professors in Arts of all Sorts are more easy to be found. I was very loth to take their Advice, for ’twas high time for me to think of going to my Regiment, and I was afraid, that by a longer Delay I should suffer: At the same time I was so horribly plagued by my Distemper, that I resolv’d to go to Paris. But, before I set out, I wrote to the Count de S——, to tell him the Condition I was in, tho’ I assur’d him that I would stay no longer at Paris than was necessary for my Cure. Whether my Declaration was relish’d or not I can’t tell; all that I know for certain is, that I receiv’d no Answer. I was sorry to leave Munich, and no doubt, Madame, you are surpriz’d to find me going for Paris, as it were in spite of my Will, and I assure you, that I made Reflections upon my Indifference for this City, in which I always found so many things to charm me, tho’ I was fully sensible, that the Miscarriage I had in all my Undertakings was the thing that made me heartily weary of staying in it.

This therefore was the first time that I may say I set out for Paris with Regret: I went thither by the way of Strasbourg, and when I arriv’d I put myself again into the Hands of la Peronie, who in less than a Month’s Time made me sound! During that Space I notify’d my Arrival to some particular Friends, who kept me Company till I was perfectly cur’d. They told me surprizing News, of which I had already been informed by several Letters; but ’twas all so improbable, I never could believe it to be true. Millions was the Word in every body’s Mouth, and he that was but a Lackey one Day, was the next a Lord. ’Twas sufficient only to be seen in the famous Street of Quinquempoix, and unless you were quite forsaken by your Guardian Angel, you were sure of going off of the Place with immense Wealth. I was advis’d to do as others did, and to try if Fortune was still resolv’d to frown upon me: A great many Persons were nam’d to me that had actually got Millions, who came first into the Street with almost nothing in their Pockets; that was my Case exactly: But the Hopes of good Luck made me resolve to try my Fortune, as soon as I was able to stir abroad: And thither I actually went, and put myself in the Rank with those who sacrific’d to Fortune: I had the best Luck in the World at first setting out, and without knowing how or which way, found myself possess’d in a little time of a considerable Sum, such that I am even asham’d to tell you how much it amounted to, since you would absolutely pronounce me a Madman, for not knowing when I had enough; but in short I began so well, that I thought it would be cowardly to stop, and therefore I push’d on; but was quickly sensible that I had committed a gross Blunder in not drawing back; for my Millions vanish’d almost in the same manner as they came, and without knowing why or wherefore, I found my Purse empty, and was forc’d, whether I would or no, to renounce that Sort of Negociation.

While the domestic Affairs of the Kingdom were in this Fluctuation, the Army of France press’d the Spaniards very hard. The Campaign in Navarre prov’d very successful. I have already had the Honour to acquaint you of the Taking of Fontarabia, which was follow’d soon after by the Conquest of St. Sebastian. The Germans on their Part made themselves Masters of almost all Sicily, so that the King of Spain seem’d almost reduced to a Necessity of demanding Peace, and that very soon. Cardinal Alberoni was not disturb’d at the Advantages of his Enemy, and had a very great Dependence on the Uneasiness of the People of Bretagne, where he had a Party actually form’d, that was to declare openly against Spain, upon the first Motion which that Crown should make towards the Coasts of that Province. The Cardinal caus’d the Duke of Ormond to sail to that Province, but ’twas to no Purpose; for the Regent had been appriz’d of all these Schemes, and so well concerted his Measures, that ’twas impossible for the Duke of Ormond to undertake any thing on that Side. Nevertheless, some Malecontent Bretons, who were Refugees in Spain, assur’d me, that if the Duke had arriv’d sooner, the Blow would not have fail’d, the whole Province would have revolted, and caus’d the States General to assemble, and declare the King of Spain Regent. For my Part, who knew all the Leaders of this Party full well, I did not think the Success of this Affair so very sure. Those Gentlemen were indeed Persons of a great deal of Sense, but of stronger Passions; and to say all in a few Words, they play’d at high Game, to think of surprizing the Regent! His Wisdom prevented all the Calamities which the Kingdom was threaten’d with: He sent a Sovereign Court to Bretagne, of which M. de Chateauneuf was President, and he supported its Authority by a Body of Troops under the Command of the Marshal de Montesquiou. They began to make a Search after the Authors of the Rebellion, and ’twas expected that a great deal of Blood would be spilt, yet there were only a few Gentlemen, who paid for all with the Loss of their Heads. They say, that among those Gentlemen One might have escap’d, if he had thought fit; but when he was going on board, and saw the Waves very swelling, he remember’d that some body had told him, he should perish par la Mer, i. e. by Sea, and the Fear of Drowning made him turn back, so that he was apprehended, and had his Head cut off by a Hangman, whose Name was la Mer. A great Matter of Triumph this was to the Fortune-tellers!

Besides these, Warrants were issued against several other Gentlemen, but they being not afraid of the Sea, made no Scruple to expose themselves to it: Some fled to Spain, and some to Hanover, where the King of England granted them an Asylum, without violating the Alliance made with France, which imported, that the Two Kings should give no Shelter in their Kingdoms to the revolted Subjects of either; for the Duchy of Hanover being an Electorate, was not included in this Treaty.

’Twas well for a great many People of Bretagne, that Warrants were issued out against them; for most of them had but little to leave behind, and they were receiv’d in Spain as Persons that had sacrific’d their All for that Crown. Most of these were made Colonels by the Cardinal, tho’ he knew not whether they had ever been in the Service, while others, that had really abandoned considerable Estates, were so unfortunate as to have the least Reward.

These were the Transactions at Paris during the little time I stay’d there; for as soon as I found myself able to walk, I set out in good earnest for Sicily; but not being quite well enough to ride Post, I made but short Days journeys. I lay the first Night at Melun, and din’d the next Day at Moret, which is a Village near Fontainebleau, with a Convent, where they say, that the Negro Princess, of whom the Queen Mary Theresa was deliver’d, is a Nun.

From Moret I went to Sens, and from thence to Auxerre, which City I found in an Uproar, on account of a very tragical Adventure: A Baker having been very familiar for some time with the Wife of a Pastry-cook, was reproach’d for it by his own Wife, who even threaten’d she would make him smart for it; but the Baker, not at all terrify’d by her Menaces, proceeded in his Amour as usual; while his Wife being desperate, and raging with Jealousy to find herself depriv’d of conjugal Duty, was resolv’d her Rival should not have the Pleasure of his Company any longer; and therefore, as he was one Night in Bed with her, she took a Razor, and shav’d him so close, that it was no more in his Power to give her any Jealousy. The poor Man was in a very bad way when I happen’d to be at Auxerre. I had this Story from my Landlady, where I quarter’d, who told it me not without great Lamentation.

From Auxerre I went to Dijon[12], the Capital of Burgundy, and the Seat of the Parliament and of the Governor of the Province. In this City the States of Burgundy hold their Assemblies, and the Duke of Burgundy, who is Governor of the Province, commonly presides there in the King’s Name. The Parliament of the Province was establish’d here by Philip Duke of Burgundy, and confirm’d by Lewis XI. Here is also a Chamber of Accompts, a Mint, and a Presidial Court.

’Tis a very fine Country from Dijon to Chalons[13], all along by those excellent Vineyards which produce the choicest Wines of Burgundy. At Chalons I found a Conveniency to go to Lyons: The Road is the finest that can be travell’d, for we go all the Way by the River Saone, which forms the most charming Vista, and with the greatest Variety of Prospects that can be imagin’d. I pass’d by Trevoux, the Capital of the Principality of Dombes, which belongs to the Duke of Maine, to whom it was given as a Legacy by the last Will and Testament of the late Madamoseille of France, Daughter to the late Gaston Duke of Orleans.

From Trevoux ’tis but a few Days Journey to Lyons: Before we come to this City, one sees upon the Right Hand of the Road that dismal Castle of Pierre-Encise, to which those Criminals are commonly sent, who are condemned to perpetual Imprisonment.

Lyons[14] is the Capital of the Lyonnois, on the Conflux of the Rhone the Saone. ’Tis one of the finest and most magnificent Cities in France: Its Situation is charming, its Squares superb, and its Buildings, both sacred and profane, very noble. St. John’s which is the Cathedral Church, is a magnificent Structure of Gothic Architecture, where, among other Remarkables, is that fine Clock, which is reckon’d a Master-piece. The Canons have the Title of Counts of Lyons, and are oblig’d to produce the same Proofs of their Qualification as the Knights of Malta.

The Town-House is one of the most magnificent Buildings of the kind, and I know of none but the Stadthouse at Amsterdam that exceeds it. The Square in which ’tis built is call’d la Place des Terreaux: ’Tis a very beautiful Quadrangular Structure; and there is to be seen the fine Abby of the Ladies of St. Peter, now in Possession of a Daughter of the Marshal de Villeroy.

The Square of Bellecour is the finest Part of all the City; ’tis adorn’d with an Equestrian Statue of Lewis XIV. erected upon a Pedestal of white Marble, at the Expence of the Marshal de Villeroy, Governor of Lyons and the Lyonnois, in Acknowledgment of that Monarch’s continued Favours to him and all his Family.

After one is out of the Square of Bellecour, we come to the magnificent Stone-Bridge, which unites the Two Quarters of the City that are separated by the Saone. As we go off this Bridge, we advance upon a stately Key, that runs along the River, and is call’d the Villeroy Key, because it was built by Order of the Marshal of that Name. The Family of Villeroy is mightily belov’d and respected throughout the Lyonnois, and while I was there, all the Dignities of this Province were fill’d by one Gentleman or other of that Name. The Marshal himself was the Governor, and the Reversion of his Post was secur’d to his Son the Duke de Villeroy, and to the Dukes of Rets and Alincourt his Grandsons: The latter of these is Lieutenant-General of the Province: The Archbishoprick was occupy’d by one of the Marshal’s Sons, as the Abby of the Nuns of St. Peter was by one of his Daughters.

The Commerce of Lyons is still very flourishing, tho’ it was much more so before the famous Scheme of the Bank Bills, which did great Detriment to its Manufactures: Yet for all that, there’s not a Town in France where there are such wealthy Merchants: Their Conversation too is very amiable, and they live for most Part like People of Rank; I don’t mean in Point of Magnificence, for which there needs nothing but Money, but by reason of their easy and polite Behaviour, which always denotes a good Education.

I embark’d on the Rhone at Lyons for Avignon: There are considerable Towns upon this River which yield noble Prospects: Such is the City of Vienne, the Capital of the Viennois, with the Title of an Archbishoprick: Here are stately Vestigies of the Magnificence of the Romans, who spar’d no Cost to render this a considerable Place: We are assur’d, that Pilate was banish’d hither, and they even shew a House, Half a League or more from the City, where ’tis said he liv’d. But I should be glad to know in the first Place, Whether ’tis really true that he ever came into this City? You may believe as much of it as you please.

From Vienne I proceeded to Valence and Pont St. Esprit: In this latter Town I saw that noble Bridge which is the Admiration of all Foreigners; ’tis one of the finest and most stately in Europe: It has 23 Arches, the Pillars of which are very large with Overtures, in the Nature of Doors, to give a freer Passage to the Rhone when its Waters swell. They say, that in these Pillars there are Vaults, where they us’d to put the Fanatics of the Cevennes: The Passage of this Bridge is defended by a Citadel.

From Pont St. Esprit ’tis but a little way to Avignon, which is a City of Provence that belongs to the Pope. Clement VI. purchas’d it of Joan Queen of Provence for a very moderate Sum; since which time it has ever been subject to the Holy See. The Popes made it the Place of their Residence for above 70 Years; but Gregory XI. re-establish’d the Holy See at Rome about the Year 1377. Several Factions arising afterwards among the Christian Princes on account of the Election of the Popes, some of the Anti-Popes liv’d here. The Cathedral, which is magnificent tho’ very ancient, is dedicated to our Lady of Dombes. Avignon is in general a very well built City, the Streets being broad, strait and lightsome. The adjacent Country is charming and very fruitful, and I thought there was nothing wanting in it but a greater Number of Inhabitants.

I took Post at Avignon, and went to Aix, which is the Capital of Provence, and an Archbishop’s See; there are also a Parliament and an University: This is without Dispute one of the finest Towns in the Kingdom: I was charm’d with the Beauty of the Course, which is the Rendezvous of People in the Summer Evenings: ’Tis in the middle of a fine spacious Street, the Houses whereof are truly magnificent, and several beautiful Rows of Trees adorn’d with Fountains make it a very pleasant Walk. The middle Row, which is separated from the rest by a Rail, is for the Foot Passengers. From one End of the Course there’s a Prospect of the Country, and the other is limited by the City. At the End next to the Country there’s a Fountain, and a Balustrade of white Marble Breast-high. There’s another Course without the City, which is bigger than the former, and every whit as beautiful. The Metropolitan Church of St. Saviour is remarkable for its Baptismal Font, which is a Piece of admirable Structure: ’Tis all of white Marble, supported by filetted Columns, that compass it in Form of a little Dome. This Church has a very high Tower, which is a Hexagon, and much esteem’d by good Judges.

The Palace where the Parliament assembles is a noble Building, in the Rooms whereof no Cost has been spar’d for Gilding, Painting and Carving. The great Hall is adorn’d with Hangings of blue Velvet, sprinkled with Fleurs de Lys of Gold: The King’s Throne with the upper and lower Seats are cover’d with the like Tapistry: The Persons that compose the Parliament of Aix are almost all Men of Quality, which contributes very much to make a Man’s Residence here agreeable: The Nobility in this Place live with Distinction. Besides the Parties made for Gaming, and the Walks, there are Concerts of Music upon certain Days of the Week, to which Foreigners are admitted Gratis, the Musicians being paid by a certain Number of People of Quality, who hire them for the whole Season.

After Five or Six Days Stay at Aix, I set out for Marseilles: This is an Episcopal City of Provence, which by being situate on the Mediterranean is one of the most considerable Cities in France for Commerce, and engrosses almost the whole Trade of the Levant. ’Tis divided into the upper and lower Towns: The former is the Old Marseilles, the Houses of which are very dark, and the Streets narrow and very irregular. In this Part stands the Cathedral of our Lady la Major.

The Lower Town is very fine, the Streets broad, most of ’em strait, and the Houses very magnificent, especially those by the Side of the Course, which is one of the finest in the World: ’Tis very much like that at Aix. This Part of Marseilles owes its Embellishment and Aggrandizement to Lewis XIV. who caus’d Works to be erected there worthy of so great a Prince. Marseilles has a noble Harbour, it being a large Bason, almost encompass’d with Houses, and defended by Two Castles, of which that on the Right Hand is very high, and commands a great way at Sea: That on the Left contains the Arsenal, which is one of the finest that I have seen, and every thing in it is so regularly dispos’d, that it forms a charming View.

The Harbour of Marseilles is the Station for the King’s Galleys, on board of which there’s a great Number of Slaves, who do almost all the hard Work; they load and unload the Ships: Some of ’em are allow’d to walk about the Town and to trade, but are obliged to pay something to the Man that accompanies them, and to lie aboard at Night. Others, who are charg’d with enormous Crimes, are fasten’d Two, Three and Four together to great Chains, which does not hinder them however from working for their Livelihood. The great Trade of Marseilles and the Wealth of its Inhabitants give this City an Air of Opulence, which is seldom to be found elsewhere: There is hardly a Place where one meets with better Chear, and where ’tis easier to be accommodated with every thing that a Gentleman can desire to pass his Time agreeably. Comedies, Concerts, Gaming, Taking the Air, in short, Pleasures of all Sorts make this a most charming Place to live in, even for People that are ever so opposite to one another in Characters and Temper.

The Suburbs of Marseilles are magnificent: They contain above 20,000 little Houses, call’d by the Country-people Bastides, and all encompass’d with very fine Vineyards and Gardens, which render these Habitations very charming in the fine Weather. ’Twas to these Houses that most of the Inhabitants retir’d during the last Plague with which Provence was afflicted, and which held so long as to carry off a great Part of the Citizens. This Desolation would have been much greater, and would perhaps have penetrated into the Heart of France, had it not been for the great Care taken by the Regent, that no Correspondence should be kept with the People of Marseilles.

Provence in general is a fine Country, and a very pleasant Place to live in at all times, but especially in the Winter. At that time too the Sky is clearest, and there are then some Days, which naturally ought rather to be plac’d to the Account of Summer. I remember I was walking on the Harbour of Marseilles one Day in this Season at 2 or 3 o’Clock in the Afternoon, and that I was forc’d to withdraw, the Weather was so hot. Yet I observ’d that not many Days after a Wind arose, (that the People of the Country call Mistral) which was extremely cold, and the more disagreeable to me, because ’tis not easy to get warm in this Country, here being no Wood but some Roots or Branches of Olive-trees, which do not make a very good Fire. Besides, most of the Rooms, especially in the Inns, are without Chimneys, so that one is oblig’d to make Use of a Pan of Coals, which is very inconvenient, to such especially as are not us’d to this Method of warming themselves.

After having for a few Days saunter’d in and about Marseilles, I thought it proper to inquire what Ship was bound to Sicily; but with all my Inquiry, I could not find out any, and was under a Necessity of going either to Genoa or Leghorn. I was assur’d that ’twas but a little way, and that I should be there in a very few Days, so that I agreed for my Passage with a Merchant that was bound to Leghorn. The contrary Wind kept us a Fortnight in the Harbour, and then we sail’d; but were forc’d to put into La Cienta, a little Town and Port of Provence. There I stayed Three Days for a fair Wind, to proceed in my Voyage, and at last finding ’twas to no Purpose, I resolv’d to leave my Trunks and Servants aboard the Ship, and to go by Land.

The first Day I went and lay at Toulon a City of Provence, and one of the best Harbours in Europe. In this Harbour lie the King’s Ships, and here is the great Arsenal of the Admiralty of France, where Lewis XIV. caus’d Works to be made worthy of so great a Monarch. The Road of Toulon is as considerable as the Harbour, and Ships ride there perfectly safe. They say, ’tis large enough to contain all the Ships in the Mediterranean. The City of itself is but small, and were it not for the Sea-Officers, ’twould be a melancholy Place to live in. These Gentlemen have caused a House to be erected here, which serves for their Assemblies, it being composed of several Rooms very well adorn’d. Here are the Pictures of the Count de Tholouse great Admiral, the Marshals de Tesse and de Etrees, and several Generals and naval Officers; together with noble Sea-Charts. Here one is always sure to find Company enough, and that which is select. At Night they meet in these Rooms, where is all manner of Play: The Sea-Officers make the Entertainments, in which they acquit themselves with all possible Grace and Politeness; and a Foreigner is always so heartily welcome there, that they strive who shall treat him with most Civility.

You know, Madame, that the Allies attempted to make themselves Masters of Toulon, during the last War. The Duke of Savoy came first before the Place, but was soon oblig’d to raise the Siege, for Want of being supported by the English Fleet, which was kept back by contrary Winds. Others impute the Raising of this Siege to the Menaces of Charles XII. of Sweden, who was at that time in Saxony, to declare for France, if the Duke of Savoy’s Army stay’d any longer before Toulon. Be this as it will, the Duke’s Forces retir’d, after having lost some of their principal Officers, among others the brave Prince of Saxe-Gotha, Brother to the Reigning Duke, who was kill’d as he went to take a View of the Place.

From Toulon I went to Frejus, a Town upon the Sea; ’tis very ancient, and the Citizens pretend that most of its old Monuments were built by the Romans: Such are the Ruins of a Causey, that reach’d as far as Arles, near the Mouth of the Rhone, and the Remains of an ancient Circus, which seems to have been a very spacious one. ’Tis said that a great Aqueduct in the Neighbourhood brought as much Water to it from the Distance of 10 Leagues, as was sufficient to support a Naval Combat within the Circumference of this Circus. Going out of Frejus there’s a long Mole or Causey cut by several small Canals, over which there are Bridges, said to have been made by the Romans.

As I pursued my Journey, I pass’d near Antibes, a strong Place on the Sea-Shore, which was heretofore the See of a Bishop, till it was translated to Grasse in Upper Provence. From thence I cross’d the Var, which River separates France from the Dominions of the King of Sardinia; and the Fourth Day after my Departure I arriv’d at Nice.

Nice was formerly very well fortify’d, and its Castle especially was reckon’d impregnable; for it bravely held out against the Army of Francis I. and that of Barbarossa the Turk in 1543. But Lewis XIV. had better Success, for he made himself Master both of the City and of the Castle, which he caus’d to be intirely demolish’d; and having also caus’d the other Fortifications of the Town to be destroy’d, he restor’d it in this Condition to its Sovereign. At Nice we begin to see Orange-trees in such Abundance, that they grow in the open Fields like other common Trees, and they bear Fruit alike both in Summer and Winter.

As ’twas very fine Weather when I arriv’d at Nice, I was advis’d to go on board, in order to avoid the bad Roads in the Passage of the Mountains; I took the Advice, and went on board a small Vessel, that was navigated by only Two Men; but I soon repented of it, for in Half an Hour after we put off to Sea we had bad Weather, in which I had like to have been cast away, and ’twas not less than a Miracle that I arriv’d at Villa-Franca, a small Sea-Port in the County of Nice.

This Town is remarkable for nothing but its Harbour, which contains Six of the King of Sardinia’s Galleys: ’Twas here that this Prince embark’d with his Queen and his whole Court, when he went to take Possession of Sicily: And after their Majesties had been consecrated and crown’d at Palermo, they came and landed at Villa-Franca in their Return to Turin. The Night that I came to this Town there happen’d a terrible Storm, which abated indeed next Day, but the Sea was still in such a Foam, that I did not care to trust it. The Day following proving however as fair as one could desire, I immediately put to Sea, but fell into the same Danger as I had been expos’d to before. The Winds, or rather all the Devils in the Air, were let loose against me; I was, I confess to you, cruelly afraid, especially when I saw my Pilots change Countenance. Nevertheless, I put on the Air of a Man of Courage, told ’em the Danger was not so great as they apprehended, and that they need not be discourag’d. In short, I don’t remember every thing that I said to ’em, and perhaps too my Language was not so coherent as if I had been upon Terra Firma. Whatever it was, I arriv’d safe at Monaco, a little Town which belongs to a Prince of that Name. The Castle, which looks towards the Sea, is built in the Italian Taste, but is a very plain Building. There is a French Garison in the Town, which is a Detachment from the Garison of Antibes. The Prince of Monaco, who is Sovereign of the Country, marry’d a Princess of Lorrain, by whom he only had Daughters. He marry’d the Eldest of them, and the Heiress of all his Estate, to the Duke de Valentinois, Son to M. de Matignon.

From Monaco I went to St. Remo, the first Town in the Dominions of Genoa, where I took a Boat, which carry’d me to Savona, a City in the State of Genoa, with the Title of a Bishoprick. This is one of the best Towns in the Republic, and without Dispute the safest Sea-Port in its Dominions. The Genoese have caus’d a City to be built here with Two Fortresses, and several other Works, which render it a Place of very great Importance to the Republic.

I was so heartily out of Conceit with the Sea, that I hir’d Mules to carry me to Genoa, whither Two Thirds of the Road are scarce passable, by reason of the continual Ascents and Descents, which are very fatiguing. The only thing that made my Journey agreeable was, riding all along by the Sea-side, which being cover’d with Shipping, forms a very fine Prospect. After one has travell’d some Leagues from Genoa, the Road becomes very good; for besides that the Way is very even, one sees a great many noble Houses, with Gardens in Form of Terrace-Walks, which compose one of the most stately Amphitheatres that can be seen, and so it is all the Way to Genoa.

Genoa is an Archbishoprick, the Capital of the State of Genoa, and the ordinary Residence of the Doge and Senate. ’Tis the finest and most magnificent City in Italy; ’tis not very long that this Republic has enjoy’d its Liberty, it being the famous Andrew Doria who acquir’d it for his Country during the Reign of Francis I. King of France, to whom Genoa was subject. Since that time this City is very much increas’d: I enter’d it by the Gate adjoining to the Mole, which in my Opinion is the most proper Entrance, to give a Stranger at the first View a grand Idea of Genoa. I was amaz’d at the Magnificence of this Mole, and at the Beauty of the Harbour, which is surrounded with fine Houses, built in Form of an Amphitheatre. But nothing can compare with the Church of the Annunciade, where nought is to be seen but Gold, Marble, and the richest Paintings and Sculptures. At the very first Entrance one sees Two Rows of chamfer’d Pillars, of red vein’d Marble, lin’d with white Marble; the Capitals of the Columns are all over gilt, and they support a Dome, which is also gilt, and inrich’d with very fine Paintings. The Pavement is of Squares of Marble in Compartments. I don’t undertake to give a farther Detail of the Beauties of this Church, the same having been already so exactly related by so many Travellers, that it would be only a Repetition of what has been said a hundred times over.

The Streets of Genoa are, properly speaking, rather Galleries than Streets, there being nothing but Structures and Palaces of the utmost Magnificence, look which way one will. That which struck me most of all was the Palace of Balbi; I never saw any so regular, and with Fronts so conformable to the Rules of Architecture; but then it must be consider’d, ’tis in this grand Outside only that all the Magnificence of the Houses of Genoa consists; for when you enter into one of the greatest and richest Palaces, there’s not a Mortal to be seen, so that one would think there are no Domestics, and sometimes ’tis a difficult Matter to find the Master of the House. In a Word, the great Houses of Genoa are mere Solitudes, excepting on Assembly Days, of which there are some held here every Evening at the House of one Nobleman or another. Then the Apartments are nobly illuminated, and there’s all manner of Refreshments serv’d up in Profusion. Assemblies of this kind, and a sorry Italian Opera, were all the Pleasures at Genoa while I was there; so that a Stranger does not know what to do here with his Time. Here are also very few Entertainments made, and the Envoys, who are generally they that make the most, conform, when they are at Genoa, to the Temper of the People, which is to give their Guests nothing to eat or drink. In my time there was none here but the English Envoy, who did not follow that Custom, for ’twas a Pleasure to him to treat his Friends with good Cheer.

While I was at Genoa the Republic chose a new Doge: I saw him go to the Cathedral, and take the usual Oath: The Procession was on Foot; ’twas begun by some of the Doge’s Officers, after whom Eight Pages, in Habits of crimson Velvet lac’d with Gold, went before the Doge, who was dress’d in a long Robe of crimson Velvet, with a Sort of square Cap of the same: He was supported by the General of the Genoese Arms on his Right Hand, and by another Officer of the Republic on his Left Hand, and he walk’d between Two Files of the Hundred Swiss. The Senators follow’d two and two, dress’d in long Gowns of black Velvet. The Archbishop met the Doge about the middle of the Church, where was a Cushion of crimson Velvet for the Doge, and other Cushions for the Senators, who all kneel’d down as well as the Doge, and after a short Prayer the Archbishop led the Doge up to the Altar; then the Prelate took the Book of the Gospels, and presented it to the Doge, who, falling on his Knees, and laying his Hand on the Book, took an Oath to maintain the Republic in their Rights and Privileges; this done, the Doge return’d to his Palace, where he was complimented by all the Senators, and crown’d Doge of Genoa, and King of Corsica: Next Day he gave a great Feast to above 300 Persons.

The Doge of Genoa is a living Example of the Instability of human Grandeur: His lasts but Two Years, at the Expiration of which Word is brought to him, that his Time is out, and that he must quit the Ducal Palace, and retire to his own. A Man to be a Doge must be completely 50 Years of Age: You know how very much his Authority is limited; he can do neither Good nor Harm; the only Occasion wherein he makes a little Figure is, when he receives and dispatches Ambassadors in Ceremony.

Another Office, which is even less durable, is that of General of the Arms, which no one Man can exercise above Two Months, for Fear, no doubt, lest he who is invested with it should acquire too much Power.

This Republic was formerly very much inclin’d to espouse the Interests of Spain, when that Crown possess’d the Milanese, and the Kingdom of Naples, because most of the Genoese Nobles had their Estates in those Countries; but now that the same are pass’d under the Emperor’s Dominion, the Republic is oblig’d to carry it very fair to his Imperial Majesty, or else the Doge might be sent for to Vienna, as he was once by Lewis XIV. to Versailles.

I was at Genoa when the Republic sent a Galley to Antibes, to meet the famous Cardinal Alberoni, who, after having experienc’d the Inconstancy of Fortune in Spain, went to Italy, with a Design to retire to the Duchy of Parma, his native Country. The Disgrace of this Cardinal surpriz’d all Europe, except the Duke of Orleans the Regent of France, who was the Author of it. During the Truce to which the Cardinal had prevail’d on the King of Spain to give his Consent, the Duke improv’d that Interval to negociate that Minister’s Removal; and that he might succeed the better in his Design, he engag’d the Duke of Parma, who was the Queen of Spain’s Father-in-Law and Uncle, to act in Concert with him, for inducing the King of Spain to put away his Prime Minister. The Duke of Parma charged Scotti, his Minister at Madrid, to negotiate this Affair, in which he met at first with astonishing Obstacles; but at last the Advantages he promis’d the Queen, on the Part of the Regent of France, both for herself and her Children, crown’d the Negociation with Success. The Cardinal was dismiss’d, perhaps, with more Precipitancy than he ought to have been, considering the Attachment he had always shewn to the Queen, and the Care he had taken to rouse Spain from the Lethargy into which that Crown was fallen when he was declar’d Prime Minister. ’Twas on the 5th of January that Cardinal Alberoni found himself all at once abandon’d by every body, and oblig’d to fly from a Country where he had appear’d with more Authority than the King himself. The Order was signify’d to him by Don Miguel Durand, Secretary of State, and was in the very Hand-writing of the King, who deliver’d it to the Secretary as he was going to the Pardo to hunt. His Catholic Majesty thereby order’d his Minister to concern himself no more with State Affairs, to leave Madrid in eight Days, and the Kingdom in three Weeks; and moreover, the Cardinal was forbid coming all that while to any Place where the King and Queen were.

The Disgrace of this Minister cou’d not but be the more pleasing to the Duke of Orleans, because it happen’d at a Time when the Cardinal was taking his Measures for accommodating Matters with England; whither he had sent M. de Seissan, formerly a Colonel in France, afterwards Lieutenant-General in Poland, and now Captain-General in Spain, to treat with my Lord Stanhope, who was then at the Head of the Affairs of that Kingdom. M. de Seissan embark’d at the Groyne, after having been detain’d there a good while by contrary Winds: When he was out at Sea, he met with a severe Tempest, in which he had like to have been cast away; but at length he arriv’d at London. He went immediately to my Lord Stanhope, to whom he was known, and as he was going up Stairs, who should he meet coming down booted and spurr’d, but the very Courier from France that brought my Lord Stanhope Letters from the Abbot, afterwards the Cardinal, du Bois, acquainting my Lord of Cardinal Alberoni’s Disgrace. M. de Seissan, who knew nothing of the Change that had been made at the Court of Madrid while he was buffeted and toss’d about by the Winds and Waves, went in to my Lord Stanhope, and told him, That he was come to surrender himself his Prisoner, because he came from Spain without a Passport, unless he wou’d receive the Carte blanche he brought him for Peace, instead of such Passport. At the same time he produc’d to the English Minister the Full Power which he had from Cardinal Alberoni to treat of a Peace. My Lord Stanhope did not interrupt him; but when he had done speaking, he ask’d him if it had been long since he left Madrid: M. de Seissan telling him all the Delays that had happen’d in his Voyage, my Lord gave him the Abbot Du Bois’s Letter to read. The Envoy of Spain was Thunder-struck when he read this Letter, and said thereupon to my Lord, That he had nothing to say to all this, and that he resign’d himself to his Discretion, to deal with him as he thought fit. My Lord answer’d him very civilly, That he should be sorry to abuse the Confidence he had repos’d in him, by coming to him without a Passport, and that he would leave him at his Liberty to return to Spain: which he did accordingly, without Delay.

’Twas said that Cardinal Alberoni was so piqu’d against the King and Queen of Spain, that he study’d Revenge; and that therefore as soon as he was got out of the Kingdom, he wrote to the Regent, to desire his Protection, and to allure him, that if he would be so good as to give him Shelter at Paris, he would let him into the Detail of the most secret Affairs of the Spanish Court. I do not think that any Credit ought to be given to Reports of this Nature, invented for no other End but to blacken the Reputation of a Minister in Disgrace. Be this as it will, the History of these Times, whether True or False, does Honour to the Regent; for they say that this Prince rejected the Cardinal’s Offers, and contented himself with sending him a Passport, that he might go to Italy. I saw him actually arrive there: He landed in the Dominions of Genoa, where his Eminency, depending on the Public Faith, and upon the gracious Reception he had from the Republic, which sent a Deputation to meet him, thought himself perfectly secure. But Fortune, who was in full Cry after him to run him down, was not content with his being disgrac’d by the King of Spain; for the Pope wrote to the Doge and Senate, demanding that the Cardinal might be arrested; which was no sooner said than done. Thus, in less than two Months, this unfortunate Cardinal saw himself banish’d from a Court where he was the Dispencer of Favours, pillag’d upon the Road, and depriv’d of all his Papers, in danger of being murder’d by the Miquelets, and at last arrested in his own Country, where he arriv’d in Confidence that the Public Faith would have been his Safeguard. If any Events require Courage to support them, such as these do; but of this Virtue Cardinal Alberoni had an eminent Share, and I was always astonish’d to see with what Intrepidity he behav’d in his Adversity.

After I had stay’d a while at Genoa, I went to Sarzana[15], and from thence to Pisa[16], which is a City in the Dominions of Tuscany, with a University and an Archbishoprick, and was formerly a Republic of no small Consequence in the Mediterranean, till it was conquered by the Dukes of Tuscany of the Family of the Medicis, who have ever since remain’d Masters of it. The City of Pisa has pompous Buildings: The Metropolitan Church call’d the Dome, is of admirable Beauty: ’Tis built in the Gothic Order, and its Roof is Supported by 76 Marble Pillars: The Dome and Roof of the Choir are also painted in the Gothic Style. This great Church is hung all over with Crimson Velvet, adorn’d with broad Gold Lace: In this Church is a Chapel with a very magnificent Altar, the Antipendium of which, and the Tabernacle, are solid Silver of admirable Workmanship. Great Notice is also taken of the Gates of this Church, which are all of cast Iron, with very fine Basso-Relievo’s upon them, representing Historical Passages of the old Old Testament. Near this Church is the great Church-yard, which is encompass’d with a Gallery, whose Walls painted in Fresco represent the History of the City of Pisa. At a small Distance from this Church-yard is the Baptistery, which is a Chapel built of a round Figure, in the Form of a Dome, supported by Pillars of Oriental Granite, bigger and higher than usual: The Pavement and Steps of the Altar are of very curious Stones inlaid in the Mosaic Manner; and the Preacher’s Pulpit is an admirable Piece of Work of white Marble.

St. Stephen’s Church is also worthy of the Attention of the curious Traveller, for its costly Paintings, Gilding, Marble Statues, and particularly the rich Spoils taken from the Infidels. In this Church meets the Chapter of the Knights of St. Stephen, which was instituted by the Great Duke Cosmo I. Anno 1561, after he had obtain’d a Victory. The Knights of this Order must be Noble by four Descents: They make a Vow of Conjugal Fidelity; and they wear a Red Cross like the Cross of Malta, which is fasten’d to a Red Ribbon as the Golden Fleece is, and the Cross is also embroider’d upon the Habit and Mantle. Without this Church, in the Square, is the Statue of the Great Duke Cosmo I. in Brass.

I carefully examin’d the famous Tower that leans to one Side: ’Tis round, and incompass’d with white Marble Pillars that support the Galleries that run round it. I can scarce believe that this Tower was built sloping at first, and am more apt to think it owing to some violent Earthquake, which is a Misfortune very frequent in this Part of the World. They say this Tower is 188 Foot in Height: There’s an Ascent to the Platform or Terrass, which is encompass’d with Banisters, by a Stair-case of 193 Steps.

The Country about Pisa is very pleasant: There’s a Grove of Cypress at its Gates, whose continual Verdure is delightful. You know, Madame, that at Pisa was concluded that famous Treaty between Alexander VII. and Lewis XIV. wherein the Satisfaction was settled which the Holy Father was to give the King, for the Affront his Ambassador the Duke of Crequy had receiv’d at Rome.

From Pisa I went in a Day to Florence[17], the Capital of Tuscany, and the ordinary Residence of the Great Dukes. ’Tis call’d Florence the Fair, and not without Reason; for ’tis one of the largest and finest Cities in Europe.

The Cathedral Church is a magnificent and most spacious Pile: The Outside is fac’d all over with Marble of various Colours: The Inside contains immense Treasures, in Pictures, Statues, and other most curious Pieces. Near the Cathedral is a Church commonly call’d the Chapel of the Baptistery, which is also intirely fac’d with Marble. The Church of the Annunciade is another Structure in the high Stile; in every Part of which are stately Paintings, Works in Gold, Brass, &c. the whole of the utmost Delicacy: Yet notwithstanding the Richness of these Buildings, it may be said without Aggravation, that they are trifling in Comparison with the stately Church of St. Lawrence. ’Tis of a Hexagon Figure: In the Middle of every Front is a double Pilaster of Jasper, with a Chapiter of Brass gilt, which supports a Cornice and an Entablature of the same, each Pilaster representing the Emblems of precious Stones. At the six Angles there are six Tombs of very costly Marble, and over each a Cushion sprinkled with precious Stones, which supports very rich Crowns plac’d at the Foot of the Statues of the Great Dukes: These Statues, which are of Brass gilt, and twice as big as the Life, are plac’d in Niches of black Marble. The Pedestals of the six Tombs are overcast with Porphyry and a sort of Agat call’d Chalcedony, on which are inscrib’d, in Letters of Gold, the Epitaphs of the Princes whose Bodies are therein contain’d. All the rest of the Wall is lin’d with the best Marble, and costly Stones plac’d in Compartiments or Pannels, the Squares of which are of Brass gilded: The High Altar is of Lapis Lazuli or Azure-stone inrich’d with Jewels. The Thing which strikes the Eye most of all is the Tabernacle, the Magnificence whereof is worthy of the rest. In a Word, I take it to be the only Building that can compare with the famous Temple of Solomon, of which there is so glorious a Description in the Scriptures.

Every one knows that ’twas the famous Cosmo di Medicis who laid the Foundations of the Principality of Florence, and that ’twas Pope Pius IV. who gave it the Title of the Great Duchy. When I came hither, the Great Duke Cosmo III. was still living, who, tho’ very old, had a great deal of Vigour. He was a Man of the most civil Behaviour in the World, which, added to his fair Hair, gain’d him the Love and Veneration of all that approach’d him. I had the Honour to pay my Devoirs to him one Evening, as I was introduc’d to an Audience of him by his First Minister. I found him all alone in the Room, standing and leaning against a Table, upon which were two Wax Candles; After I had made my Obeisance to him, he cover’d himself, and bad me be cover’d too: I intreated him to humour the profound Respect I had for his Highness so far as to let me remain uncover’d; but then he took off his Hat, and press’d me to put on mine, which I did as soon as he was cover’d, in conformity to this grand Maxim, That ’tis the Duty of private Men to keep in the Posture which Princes require of them: But I will own frankly, that it gave me some Uneasiness to speak with my Hat upon my Head to a Prince of the Great Duke’s Age and Dignity. His Highness, before he enter’d into Conversation with me, ask’d me whether I spoke Italian? I told him that I could talk it a little, but that I did not think I understood enough of it to undertake to speak it in the Presence of so great a Prince as he: To this he made Answer, And I can speak some broken French. Nevertheless, he did me the Honour to talk with me a good while in that Language, with abundance of Good-nature. Next Day I got myself introduc’d to the Great Prince by Mr. Tyrrel, a Gentleman of his Bedchamber. The Prince receiv’d me very kindly, said he remember’d that he had seen Madamoiselle de Pollnitz, my Cousin, attending the late Queen at Berlin, and that he was at my Mother’s House while he stay’d in Germany; and he offer’d me his Protection upon all Occasions whenever I wanted it. This Prince was married to a Princess of Saxe-Lawenbourg, Dowager of the Prince Palatine of Newbourg, who was the Elector Palatine’s Brother.

The Great Duke Cosmo III. who died in 1723, married Margaret Louisa of Orleans, Daughter of Gaston of France, Duke of Orleans, Brother of Lewis XIII. by whom he had two Sons and a Daughter. The eldest Son, whose Name was Ferdinand de Medicis, died at Florence, October 30, 1713. without any Issue by his Wife, who was Violante Beatrix of Bavaria. The second, now the Great Duke, is John Gaston de Medicis[18]. The Princess, his Sister, is Anna-Maria-Louisa of Florence[19], who married the Elector Palatine, John William of Newbourg; and after that Prince’s Death retir’d to the Dominions of the Great Duke, in which she usually resides.

The Palace of the Great Duke is the most stately Building that one can see. All the Relations of Travellers give very large Descriptions of it, but they may be all said to come far short of the real State of it. The Gallery especially is a matchless Piece: ’Tis about 400 Feet long, and has a Row of antique Statues and Busts on each Side. This Gallery leads into several Rooms, which are all full of the greatest Curiosities one would wish to see. In one there are the Pictures of all the famous Painters done by themselves: The second is adorn’d with Porcellane of all Sorts: There is a Table too of great Beauty, inlaid with precious Stones. The other Rooms contain Pictures, Antiquities, and wonderful fine Cabinets of inlaid Work: I was particularly surpriz’d at a couple of Pictures in Wax in one of these Rooms, which are both fine Rarities; but the Artist could not have chose a more melancholy Subject; for the one represents a Church-yard, and the other a City infected with a Plague. There is no looking upon these two Pictures without being struck at the same time with Admiration and Horror.

There is a Piece that makes Part of the Gallery which is worthy of a nice Observation: ’Tis an Octagon Saloon pav’d with Marble of various Colours: The Walls are hung with Crimson Velvet; and the Ceiling of the Dome is lin’d with Mother of Pearl, which makes a very fine Effect. But among all the Rarities which this stately Saloon contains, nothing is comparable to the Great Duke’s famous Diamond: I saw the Model of it, which is all that they now shew of it; the present King of Denmark being the last Person to whom the late Great Duke shew’d it in 1769, which creates a Suspicion that this Diamond is not new at Florence: Many People assur’d me it was sold, and that the Grand Signior was the Purchaser of it. Be it where it will, the Weight of this Diamond was 139 Carats and a half.

After having stay’d some time at Florence, I set out for Rome, taking Sienna in my Way, which is an Archiepiscopal City that makes a Part of Tuscany. The Cathedral Church is built all of black and white Marble. From Sienna I went to Montefiascone, a City and Bishoprick in the Patrimony of St. Peter. My Design was to have gone through this Town without stopping, but the bad Weather oblig’d me to stay at the Post-house: There was such a deep Snow, and at the same time the Wind was so high, and the Cold so terrible, that the Inhabitants told me, that in the Memory of Man they had not known it so violent. I made no great Scruple to believe them, especially after what happen’d to me at the Post-house. The Master of the House carry’d me up Stairs into a great Room, where I found two Gentlemen, the one an Italian, the other a German, who were both come from Rome, and obliged, as I was, by the bad Weather to stay at Montefiascone. As we were talking together by the Fire-side, I observ’d a very odd Motion as if we had been rock’d. As I had never felt an Earthquake, I concluded this to be one; but the Italian told me the Motion was too regular, and that, to be sure, it proceeded from some other Cause: And in a very few Moments we were convinc’d that it was the Wind which shook us in this Manner. As we had Reason to fear that the House would tumble upon our Heads, we desir’d our Landlord to put us in some Place where our Lives would not be in so much Danger. The Man laugh’d to see us so affrighted, and to encourage us he said that his House had totter’d as much for these 30 Years past, without receiving any Damage, and that therefore it was like to stand a good while longer: But this was not Reason sufficient to satisfy me of the Stability of his House; on the contrary, thought I, an Earthquake which had happen’d to a House off and on for a matter of 30 Years, must, ere long, bring it to the Ground: And besides, as I had always met with bad Fortune, it was but prudent not to expose myself in Harm’s Way; I resolv’d therefore to go down Stairs, the two Gentlemen in my Company did the same, and our Landlord carry’d us to an opposite House, where really we were in a worse Pickle than before. The Fire was no sooner kindled, but we had like to have been suffocated with the Smoak; and we were fain to set open every Window and Door, to let in Air; but the Violence of the Wind was such that we could bear the Room no longer, and we were oblig’d to shift our Quarters again. We went into the Town, in Hopes of faring better there; but ’twas our Lot to fall into one of the most detestable Victualling-Houses in the World; yet we resolv’d to stay there, because there fortunately happen’d to be a Chimney that did not smoak; but while we were thinking we should have some Amends for the Cold we had suffer’d in these Removes, as if it had been decreed that we should have one thing or another to plague us all Day long, this very Chimney took Fire, which alarming the Town, every body flock’d to the Place, and by good Luck the Fire was soon extinguish’d; nevertheless, the Mob join’d in a Halloo against us, as if we had been the Incendiaries, so that I expected every Moment we should be sent to Gaol, till we scatter’d our Money, and then our Fears vanish’d; but the Consequence of all this Noise was, that we were forbid to have a Fire in our Chamber, so that we were forc’d to put up with that which was made in one of the nastiest Kitchens that could be.

From Montefiascone I went in a Day and half to Rome[20], to which City all the Way from Florence is over Hills and Mountains: The Roads belonging to the Dominions of Tuscany are kept in good Order, and Care has been taken to render them as passable as the Nature of them will permit, by levelling Hills, and making noble Causeys; but as soon as one enters the Ecclesiastical State, the Ways are so terribly bad, that ’tis a hard Matter to get through them. I stopp’d my Chaise about a League from Rome upon an Eminence, from whence is a Descent to Ponte-Mole. There I cast my Eyes over that great City, and had a Fore-Taste of the Pleasure I should have, when I came to take my Progress thro’ its several Quarters. After having satisfy’d this first Curiosity, I proceeded on my Journey: I pass’d the Tyber over the Ponte-Mole, and struck into a pav’d Road, which carry’d me for a long time between Gardens and Pleasure-houses, till I came to the famous City of Rome. I enter’d it thro’ the Gate del Popoli, which led me into a triangular Square of the same Name, consisting of Two Rows of very sorry Houses, and of a Third, which is somewhat better. Here are Two broad Streets, which open in Form of a Goose’s Foot, and are separated from one another by Two fine Churches of equal Architecture. In the midst of this Square is the famous Obelisk erected by Sixtus V.

From this Square I went to the Custom-house, where I had my Baggage search’d. There’s a magnificent Front to this Custom-house, which is a stately Portico, supported by large Pillars of Oriental Granite. As soon as the Searchers had done rummaging all my Things, I went on to the Hotel of Monte d’Or on the Square of Spain, which is but an indifferent Place, being a long and very irregular Square encompass’d with a Parcel of ill-contriv’d Houses, and a Fountain at one End, which serves for a Watering Place.

Next Day after my Arrival, my Curiosity carry’d me to visit St. Peter’s Church: The first thing I saw in my Way, going from my Lodgings, was the Bridge of St. Angelo upon the Tyber, which fronts the Castle of the same Name: This Bridge is of a fine Breadth, with Marble Banisters on each Side, on which, at proper Distances, are Angels of Marble, of wonderful Workmanship. The Castle of St. Angelo is, as I have said, over-against the Bridge: This is a great Tower, encompass’d with Bastions, which serves as a Citadel to the City of Rome, and a Place of Retreat to the Pope in a time of War or Rebellion; it communicates by a long Gallery with the Vatican Palace: As we go off of the Bridge of St. Angelo, we pass for some time on the Banks of the Tyber, over a Key that is on the left Hand. From thence we go thro’ several Streets to the famous Square of St. Peter’s Church, which may be term’d the chief Square in the Universe. It was design’d by the celebrated Bernini, and executed in the manner as it now appears to us by Pope Alexander VII. ’Tis an Oval, encompass’d with a great Gallery, supported by 324 Pillars of Free-Stone; the Top is adorn’d with a Balustrade, on which, at proper Spaces, are the Statues of the Twelve Apostles and other Saints, and the Arms of Pope Alexander VII. In this Square we see the famous Obelisk, which was rais’d by Order of Sixtus V. in 1586, in the middle between Two noble Fountains. The Gallery, that runs round St. Peter’s Square, leads on both Sides to the Portico of the Church, which is a Piece of Work that one can never be weary of admiring. For whether we consider the Materials, or the Skill of the Architect by whom it was conducted, they are equally surprizing. The Pavement of the Portico is of Marble, and the Ceiling of Stucco gilt: It leads on the Right Hand to the grand Stair-case of the Vatican, and there’s a cover’d Gallery over it, where the Pope appears upon Holy-Thursday and Easter-Day to anathematize Heretics, Schismatics and Infidels; and also to bless the People, who at that time are all kneeling in the Square, and in the Streets which lead to it. The principal Entrance of the Portico is answerable to the great Gate of the Church, which is of Brass, and on one Side of it is that call’d la Porta Santa, or the Holy Gate, that is never open’d except on the grand Jubilees, which are only once in 25 Years.

But let the Outside of this stately Edifice be as magnificent as it will, ’tis not to compare to the Inside, where is nothing but Gold, Silver, Brass, Marble, Precious Stones, Paintings and Carvings by the greatest Masters. In a Word, in this august Temple we see the Master-Pieces of the most skilful Artists in all manner of Works; and if a Man has never so little Taste for Curiosities, he will at every Turn discover new Beauties.

The Plan of this Building is a Cross, with a very spacious and lofty Dome in the middle; the Ceiling of which is gilded and painted in Mosaic. Under this Dome stands the High Altar, which is not to be parallel’d for its Magnificence: ’Tis rais’d some Steps from the Ground, and stands by itself; there is none but the Pope, or, in his Absence, the Dean of the sacred College, that can say Mass at it: Four wreathed Columns of Brass, with Vine-Leaves twining about them, support a superb Canopy or Pavilion, which is intirely of Brass: ’Tis adorn’d with Basso-Relievo’s, and especially of Bees, to denote the Arms of Pope Urban VIII. of the Barberini Family, who caus’d this noble Pavilion to be erected. Over each Pillar is an Angel of Brass gilt, 17 Feet high. The Cornices of the Pillars are wide enough for Children to play and walk between them: Under the Altar is the Tomb of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, to which is a Descent by Two Flights of Marble Steps, in Form of a Horse-shoe. The whole is adorn’d with Compartments of Marble and precious Stones, the Workmanship of which even surpasses the Beauty of the Materials. These Steps are encompass’d with Banisters of Brass, on which a great Number of Silver Lamps is perpetually burning, except on Good Friday.

St. Peter’s Chair is over-against the great Altar; ’tis all of Brass, and very high; ’tis supported by the Four Fathers of the Church, whose Colossal Statues are of Brass gilt: Over the Chair is a Glory of Brass, which reaches to the Roof, and underneath is a magnificent Altar, on the Sides whereof are Two Tombs of Popes.

I have already done myself the Honour to acquaint you, that I did not propose to give a particular Detail of all the fine Things which most of the Italian Cities, and especially Rome, offer to the Eyes of the curious Spectator; for I should in that case only repeat what a hundred Travellers have already describ’d at large; I therefore silently pass over several Monuments, with which you are perfectly acquainted, by the reading of several Travels to Italy: I will only tell you by the way, that I was astonish’d at the Beauty of the Tomb of the famous Christina Queen of Sweden, who, after having made a voluntary Resignation of her Crown, and turn’d Catholic, at last fix’d her Residence at Rome, where she dy’d. This Princess was interr’d in St. Peter’s Church, where a magnificent Tomb of Marble and Brass was erected for her; and there’s her Picture in a Medallion, which is very fine. On one Side of this Princess’s Tomb, is that of the famous Countess Matilda, whose Memory ought to be very dear to the Popes, she having been one of the most signal Benefactrices which the Church ever had.

Besides the Inside and Outside of St. Peter’s Church, there are Places under Ground which are very magnificent: One sees several Chapels there lin’d with Marble, whose Altars are adorn’d with Mosaic Paintings, to fortify them against the Damps. The Roof of this Church is also worth seeing; one ascends first to the Dome by a Stair-case, rising gradually without Steps; after which one ascends by another, which is not so commodious, to a Globe at the Top of the Dome, which supports its Cross: From hence there’s a Prospect of the Country for near 40 Miles.

I went from St. Peter’s Church to see the Vatican Palace, which joins to it: This was formerly the Pope’s common Residence, but for some time past they have given the Palace of Monte Cavallo the Preference to it, that being said to be in a much healthier Air. The Vatican is a very irregular Pile, of several Pieces of Buildings coupled together, which compose an Edifice of a prodigious Size, where by Consequence there must be a great Number of Apartments. ’Tis accompany’d with a Garden, at the End of which is a House call’d Belvedere, because of the fine Prospect there is from it. In this Palace there are all the most curious Things one would wish to see in Pictures and in Statues. The Pope’s Apartments are very fine, and hung with crimson Damask or Velvet, adorn’d with a broad Lace and Fringe of Gold. I enter’d into a great Apartment, which was heretofore richly furnish’d for the Reception of Philip V. King of Spain, at the time when he was in Italy, and expected at Rome.

The famous Vatican Library is also worth the Traveller’s View, being full of very scarce Books and curious MSS. You know, it has been very much augmented by the Heidelberg Library, and that of the Duke of Urbino.

After having satisfy’d my Curiosity with regard to these Structures, I thought of making some Visits: I went to the Marquis C——, and to the Duke S——, for whom I had Letters given me at Florence. Those Gentlemen were mighty civil to me, and offer’d to shew me the Curiosities at Rome, and to introduce me to the Assemblies. In Fact the Marquis C—— carry’d me the very same Day to Madame de B——, where I found a very fine Assembly of Ladies and Gentlemen, and especially Abbes, smart Fellows, who were able to read Lectures to the nicest Petit-Maitres in the Art of Coquetry. The Ladies were very well dress’d, and for most part amiable, but not very easy of Access to such as had not the Honour of wearing the little Band. The young Abbes had taken Care to engross them so, that there seem’d to be no Possibility of coming near them. After some Chat, and swallowing good Store of Chocolate, we went into another Room, where the Company sat down to several Sorts of Play. There I thought with myself, of what Advantage it would have been for me to be Monsieur l’ Abbe. Every one of these Gentlemen readily found Partners, but for my part, as they did not do me the Honour to offer me the Cards, I was perfectly idle; and had it not been for the Person that introduc’d me, with whom I talk’d now-and-then, I should have made a very queer Figure: I did not think fit to stay till the Assembly broke up, and was very glad when I got out.

Next Day I took an Antiquarian with me, to serve as my Guide, to shew me the greatest Curiosities at Rome: He carry’d me first to the most considerable Squares; and of these the first that I saw was the Trajan Square, in the middle whereof stands the famous Trajan Pillar, so call’d from the Emperor Trajan, who began it, tho’ ’twas not finish’d till after his Death: ’Tis 128 Feet in Height, and has a Stair-case that leads to the Top, consisting of 123 Steps. The Outside of this Pillar is of Marble, and represents Trajan’s principal Actions in Basso-Relievo. This Column was rais’d higher by Pope Sixtus V. who had St. Peter’s Statue plac’d on the Top of it, instead of an Urn, which they say contain’d the Ashes of the Emperor Trajan.

My Antiquarian conducted me afterwards to the Place Navona, which forms a long Square, with a Number of Houses round it, which are neither regular nor magnificent. There are in the middle Three Fountains, very convenient for the Purpose they serve, which is to lay all that Part of the Town under Water in extreme hot Weather, for the Refreshment of Persons of Quality, who come thither at that time in their Coaches.

We went to see the Church of St. John de Lateran, which may be deem’d the Mother and Chief of all the Churches in Christendom: It owes its Foundation to the Emperor Constantine, who caus’d it to be built with extraordinary Magnificence; it has had the Misfortune of being twice burnt down, but was rebuilt both times with the same Magnificence: ’Tis not indeed so large, nor of such modern Architecture as St. Peter’s Church, but every whit as beautiful. The Pavement is all of Marble, and the Roof supported by Four Rows of Pillars, which are of an extraordinary Height and Circumference. Near this Church is a Chapel, built in Form of a Dome, which, ’tis said, was Constantine’s Baptistery, but this last Article is not absolutely certain.

From this Church I went to the Scala-Santa, which is a Building of Free-Stone, but no Part of it extraordinary: Three Portico’s form the principal Front; that in the middle leads to the Scala-Santa, or Holy Stair-case; so call’d because ’tis said the Steps of it are the same that form’d the Stair-case of Pilate’s Palace, by which our Lord descended, after he was scourg’d. Every body goes up these Stairs on their Knees; it leads to a Chapel, with Grates inclosing precious Relics, particularly a Picture of Jesus Christ, which, they affirm, was painted by the Angels. ’Tis for this very Reason, that this Chapel is call’d the Sancta-Sanctorum. On one Side of this Scala-Santa there are Two little Stair-cases, for those that don’t care to ascend the Holy Stairs upon their Knees; or for those who go down, after having perform’d this Act of Devotion.

When I had seen the Scala-Santa, my Guide conducted me to the Coliseum, which is a large Amphitheatre, built of Stone: They say, that Vespasian began this superb Structure, and that his Son Titus finish’d it, and entertain’d the Public with a Battle of wild Beasts in it, of which here were to the Number of 5000. The Inside of the Coliseum is an Oval, encompass’d with Galleries and an Amphitheatre, which, according to the Opinion of some Authors, contain’d above 85,000 Spectators: ’Tis great Pity that so stately a Building was not preserv’d. Urban VIII. of the Barberini Family, permitted his Nephews to demolish a Part of the Coliseum, and to build therewith the Barberini Palace. The little that remains of it is so much fallen to Ruin, that ’tis very probable, the next Generation will know nothing of this magnificent Structure, but by the Prints that we have of it.

The Pantheon, or our Lady de la Rotonda, is the only ancient Edifice that has been preserv’d: ’Tis 228 Feet in Diameter; and from its Centre to the Top of the Dome ’tis 144 Feet: Agrippa, the Favourite and Son-in-Law of the Emperor Augustus, caus’d this Temple to be built in Honour of all the Heathen Gods; and ’tis now a Church, dedicated to All the Saints. The only Light it has, is from a great Opening in the middle of the Roof, which, tho’ somewhat lofty, is not supported by any Pillar: It was formerly cover’d with Brass, but Urban VIII. caus’d it to be taken off, and employ’d in the building of the High Altar of St. Peter’s Church; which occasion’d his Enemies to say, That the Barberini had done, what the Barbarians durst not attempt.

At my Return from this Ramble I found at my Lodgings the Duke de S——, who came to carry me to the Assembly at Madame de S——. The Company there was not very numerous, nor did I find it any more diverting than that to which I was introduc’d before: There were few Ladies, and scarce any Gentlemen of the Sword, but Abbes in Abundance: I plainly perceiv’d, that the Assemblies at Rome were not the most entertaining to a Foreigner, and therefore I resolv’d, which I think was much better, to employ myself in viewing the various Curiosities of the City. I went to the Capitol, being every where accompany’d by my trusty Antiquarian: ’Tis a Building compos’d of Three distinct Apartments, detach’d from one another; Two of which form the advanc’d Wings, and all Three are built of Free-Stone: They stand upon a Hill, to which is an Ascent by a great Marble Stair-case: The Court before this Building is a spacious Oval, to which is a Descent by Three Steps of Marble: In the middle is the Equestrian Statue of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, a noble Remnant of Antiquity.

From the Capitol I went to the Pope’s Palace, call’d Monte-Cavallo, from the Name of the Hill on which it stands. This of all the Palaces of Rome is one that enjoys the finest Prospect, and the best Air: It was built by Order of Pope Paul V. The Gardens which belong to it are large, but not so beautiful, as to be answerable to the Magnificence of the Palace. After having sufficiently view’d it, I return’d to my Quarters, where I had appointed the Marquis de A—— to come and go along with me to the Cardinal Corsini. His Eminency, who had an Assembly at is House every Night, gave me a very kind Reception, and I found a numerous Company there, which was much more to my Satisfaction than the Two Assemblies I had been at before. The Cardinal did the Honours of his House perfectly well, and took Care that every body should have a Part, either at Play, or in Conversation. I paid my Court to him constantly, and did not fail to be at his Assembly every Night, till I left the City: The rest of the Time I spent in rambling thro’ the several Quarters of Rome, to see what was most remarkable.

After having made this Progress thro’ the Inside of the City, I had a Mind also to view the Out-parts: I was conducted to the famous Vineyards of the Pamphili and Borghese Families, which the Italians prefer before all the Gardens in Europe; wherein I am not quite of their Opinion. The Statues in these Vineyards are, to my Mind, not to be parallel’d of the Sort, but, as to the Agriculture or Waters, the Gardens of France outstrip them by far. At the Entrance of the Borghese Vineyard is a large Portico of Marble, which fronts a Walk, at the End whereof is a very large Square, encompass’d with a Marble Balustrade, adorn’d with Statues of the same. This Square serves as a Court to the House, which is not very large, but contains immense Wealth in Statues and Paintings. The Outside is fac’d with Basso-Relievo’s of Marble, amongst which the Statue of Quintus Curtius on Horseback, casting himself headlong into the Gulph, is especially to be admir’d.

The Pamphili’s Vineyard is in my Opinion the finest Place in the Suburbs of Rome. The Gardens have an Air of Grandeur and Proportion, which I have not observ’d any where else. The Outside and Inside of the House are lin’d alike with Basso-Relievo’s of Marble of admirable Workmanship. There are also noble Statues, but most of ’em a little damag’d, by reason of the various Fits of Devotion and Lukewarmness of a Prince Pamphili, who did these Statues irreparable Injury: For this Prince, in the first hot Fits of his Devotion, caus’d the Nudities of the Statues of this Garden to be plaister’d over; but when that Zeal was abated, he had a Mind to see his Statues again in their former Condition, which being not possible to be done without breaking off the Plaister with the Strokes of a Hammer; the Workman, for Want of due Care, gave some by which several of those Statues were considerably damaged.

All the various Curiosities took up a great deal of my Time, as well as the famous Borghese and Farnese Palaces, those of Colonna, Palavicini, Barberini, and others, the Description of which I omit. After having thus satisfy’d myself, I thought of being introduced to the Pope, and for that Purpose apply’d to the Cardinal del Giudice, to whom I had Letters of Recommendation, as I had to the Cardinals Gualtieri and Ottoboni. I had the Honour to have favourable Audiences of all their three Eminencies. As I was a German, I paid my first Visit to the Cardinal del Giudice, who at that Time had the Care of the Emperor’s Affairs. After a short Stay in his Antichamber, I was Introduc’d to an Audience of him by one of his Gentlemen. This Prelate was not well that Day, and I found him in his Night-Gown, lying on a Couch-Bed; but as soon as he saw me enter, he rose and advanc’d to receive me; after which he sat down again, and made me take an Arm-Chair over-against him. When the Audience was over, he got up, and conducted me to the very Door of his Chamber, where I found his Eminency’s Gentlemen, two of whom waited on me to the Head of the Stairs, and another went down with me, and attended me to my Coach.

Cardinal Gualtieri receiv’d me also in a most obliging Manner. He gave me Audience in his Closet, where, after the first Greeting, he sat down in an Arm-Chair, made me do the like, and oblig’d me to be cover’d: I was very loth to take that Liberty, but he would be obey’d; and in this Situation I stay’d an Hour at least. I was charm’d with the Behaviour of this Prelate, who of all the Cardinals took the least State upon him. The Tokens he gave me of his Kindness, made me attach myself to him; and I was very assiduous in my Attendance upon him all the Time that I stay’d at Rome. He sent one of his Gentlemen with me to the Cardinal Ottoboni, Protector of the Affairs of France, whom I found in his Closet standing, and in that Posture he remain’d all the Time of my Visit. When I withdrew, I was attended in the same Manner as I had been at the House of the Cardinal del Giudice.

After I had made a Visit to these three Cardinals, the Cardinal del Giudice introduced me to the Pope, who was at that Time Clement XI. of the Albani Family. The Cardinal had an Audience of his Holiness by himself first, and then he introduc’d me. I fell on my Knees at the Door, according to Custom, and then rising again, advanc’d to the Middle of the Room, where I was preparing for a second Genuflexion; but the Pope prevented me, by beckoning me with his Hand to advance, and calling out to me Aventi, Aventi, i.e. Come forwards. I obey’d till I came to his Feet, when I fell on my Knees and kiss’d an embroider’d Cross which was on his Holiness’s Slippers. The Pope gave me his Blessing, and commanded me to rise. He did me the Honour to talk to me a good while, concerning the good Fortune I had to embrace the Catholic Religion; ask’d me several Questions relating to my Conversion, and seem’d so overjoy’d at the Grace God had given me, that he could not refrain shedding some Tears. He then ask’d me News about the Sate of Religion in Germany, and highly extoll’d the Zeal which the Elector Palatine manifested for the Catholic Religion. He concluded with exhorting me to continue stedfast in the Opinion I had been so happy as to embrace; and when his Holiness dismiss’d me, he made me a Present of several Agnis Dei’s, two little Medals, one of Gold the other of Silver, and a Dispensation to eat Flesh in Lent.

I stay’d at Rome till Lent was over, that I might have a Sight of the Ceremonies of the Holy Week; at which Time the Court of the Sovereign Pontiff appears in its utmost Splendor. His Holiness set out on Wednesday in the Holy Week from Monte Cavallo for the Vatican Palace, with very great Ceremony, and a numerous Retinue: The Prelates and Officers of his Holiness’s Houshold went first, who were all on Horseback in wide Cassocks, which really made a very scurvy Figure; for, in my Opinion, long Gowns and flapp’d Hats do not seem to be a suitable Equipage for Riding. After them came a couple of Grooms, leading a White Horse richly accouter’d, the same which was for his Holiness’s Riding; but on that Day he was carried in a Sedan of Crimson Velvet embroider’d with Gold, which was followed by a Litter in the same Taste, and by a magnificent Coach drawn by six dapple grey Horses. On the Sides of the Pope’s Chair march’d two Files of the Hundred Swiss, and the Light-Horse clos’d the March. In this Manner did the Pope make his Entry to the Vatican Palace.

The next Day, which was Holy Thursday, I desir’d Cardinal Gualtieri to get me a Place where I might see the Ceremonies of that Grand Day; and his Eminency was so good as to gratify my Wish. When I arriv’d at the Church, the Pope was already in his Chapel, seated on a Throne erected on the Right Side of the Altar, with a Cardinal on each Side of him, who, I observ’d, sat upon Stools. The Constable Colonna stood near the Pope, with a drawn Sword in his Hand. As soon as the Mass was ended, the holy Father descended from his Throne, and plac’d himself in a Chair of State which was of Crimson Velvet embroider’d with Gold: Eight Men of the Pope’s Livery rais’d the Chair upon their Shoulders, and carry’d it in that Manner to the Gallery which is over the Portico of St. Peter’s Church. The Pope was preceded by his Houshold, and by all the Cardinals, who walk’d two and two, in the midst of a couple pf Files of the Hundred Swiss. All St. Peter’s Square, and the Streets leading to it, were full of People: His Holiness’s Light-Horse and Gendarmery were also there, together with the Foot-Guards, all drawn up in Order of Battle, with their Officers at their Head. As soon as his Holiness appear’d, there was a Flourish of the Kettle-Drums and Trumpets, which was quickly succeeded with a profound Silence. During this the Pope order’d a Cardinal to read the Bull of Excommunication and Anathema, against Heretics, Schismatics, Pagans, and all others, that did not pay due Obedience to the Holy See, or with-held its Estates; in short, against all those that lead irregular Lives. While this Bull was reading, the Pope held a Wax Taper, or rather a Torch, lighted, and as soon as the Cardinal had done reading it, the Pope rose, that is to say, the Eight Men who carry’d him lifted him up a little higher, and then his Holiness with a loud Voice pronounc’d the Excommunication, which done he threw the Torch out of his Hand into the Square, as a Symbol of the Thunder of the Church; and in a few Moments after, the Pope took off the said Excommunication, on Condition, nevertheless, that the Persons anathematis’d would repent and do public Penance for their Errors. Then he gave his Blessing to all that were present, and to the whole City of Rome in general, by turning himself about towards the Three other Parts of the Town. At the same Time all the Cannon of the Castle of St. Angelo were fir’d, and all the Bells of the City were rung, which was accompany’d with the Sound of the Trumpets, Kettle-Drums, and other Drums of the Soldiery, that were posted in St. Peter’s Square. During this, his Holiness was carry’d back into his Chapel, where the Tiara which he had wore during the whole Ceremony, was taken off, and then he went up to the Altar, where he took the Holy Sacrament and carry’d it with great Devotion to a magnificent Sepulchre, which had been built in the little Chapel. After this Ceremony, the Pope retir’d to put on his ordinary Habit, and then went, attended by the Cardinals, into a Room, where Thirteen Priests of different Nations being plac’d all in a Row, dress’d in long White Robes, his Holiness wash’d their Feet, and gave to each a Medal and a Nosegay of Flowers. This Ceremony being ended, the Pope, follow’d by those Thirteen Priests, went into a second Room, where was a Table very neatly spread, at which the Priests sat down, and were serv’d by the Pope and the Cardinals. The Chevalier de St. George and his Princess were present at this Ceremony, with whom the Pope had some Conversation; and when his Holiness left them, he said, I have been washing of Feet, I am going now to wash Hands: at the same Time he presented the Water for that Purpose to the Thirteen Clergymen whom he had attended during the Dinner.

When the Pope was retir’d, the Cardinals went into a great Room, where they found a Table sumptuously spread. At Night the Pope and the Sacred College assisted at the Miserere, which was sung in the great Chapel with Instrumental Music.

Upon Easter-Day the Pope was present at High-Mass, with all the Cardinals; after which his Holiness, dress’d in his Pontificalibus and the Tiara on his Head, was carry’d in the same Manner as upon Holy Thursday, to the Gallery which fronts St. Peter’s Square, where the Soldiers were drawn up in Batallia, and the People on their Knees to receive the Pope’s Benediction; which was no sooner given, than there was a general Discharge of all the Artillery from the Castle of St. Angelo: Then the Pope retir’d to his Palace, and each of the Cardinals to his respective Habitation. Thus ended the Ceremonies of the Holy Week, during which I observ’d, that the Churches were always so throng’d, that the People were ready to be stifled: Yet I believe that the Italians frequent the Churches during this holy Season, more for the sake of hearing the excellent Music that is perform’d in them, than from any Motive of Religion.

Immediately after the Holy Week was ended, I set out Post from Rome with several Foreigners that had the same Curiosity as myself, to see the famous City of Naples. This City, which is the Metropolis of a Kingdom of the same Name, stands on the Brink of the Sea, where it forms a Basin, which the Town encompasses in Form of a Half Moon: From thence it rises like an Amphitheatre, towards Hills which are cover’d with Vineyards and delightful Gardens, from whence is the finest Prospect that can be imagin’d. Upon one of these Hills is the famous Castle of St. Elmo, built by Charles V. which is a Fortress that commands the whole City.

Naples is the See of an Archbishop, whose Metropolitan Church is dedicated to St. Januarius; and in this Church is preserv’d the Head of that Saint, and some Drops of his Blood in a Glass Phyal. We are assur’d, that every Year, upon that Saint’s Festival, the very Instant that they put the Phyal to the Head, the Blood, which was before condens’d, turns Liquid. All the People of Naples are Eye-Witnesses of this Miracle, and seem, in my Mind, to have a great Devotion for the Saint. Of this we may easily judge by the Magnificence of his Church, which shines throughout with Gold, Silver, Marble, &c. and ’tis moreover adorn’d with very beautiful Paintings.

The Viceroy’s Palace is one of the noblest Structures in the World: The Beauty of the Architecture and the Disposition of the Apartments give the same Pleasure to the Spectator, as the magnificent Prospect the Viceroy has from a Balcony that ranges before the Windows, to which I never saw any thing equal for its Extent, or its agreeable Variety. The fine Gardens, the Harbour, the Arsenal, the lofty Hills, the terrible Mount Vesuvius, in short, the whole City of Naples, all, Madame, contribute to the Prospect from the Viceroy’s Palace. The Person who then enjoy’d that Dignity was the Cardinal Schrotenbach, not much belov’d by the Neapolitans, who shew’d a very public Concern for the Loss of the Count de Gallas his Predecessor. I question whether the Hatred they bore to this new Viceroy was well grounded, for several People own’d to me ingenuously, that he did every thing in his Power to make them happy. His Court perhaps, which was too melancholy, and not much frequented, did not please the Neapolitans, who love Grandeur. Besides, the Cardinal seldom appeared in public, whereas these People love to see their Viceroy often, and are fond to see him in Procession, with all the Pomp befitting a Nobleman, vested with a Dignity which they look upon as superior to any other whatsoever; for it must be observ’d, that a Neapolitan thinks nothing comparable to the Vice-royalty of Naples. And to shew what a grand Idea they have of this Dignity, they tell a Story, That a Neapolitan Lady, at an Audience she had of the King of Spain, wish’d, in order to complete his Happiness, that it would please God to make him one Day Viceroy of Naples.

I found in this City the Prince T——, whom I knew at Vienna. This Nobleman offer’d to introduce me to several Assemblies, with which he assur’d me I should not be displeas’d. I was glad to accept of his Offer, upon his Assurance that they consisted of quite other Sort of People than the Assemblies at Rome. I there made an Acquaintance with several Neapolitan Gentlemen, who were as civil to me as could be, and were so complaisant, as to carry me to those Parts of the City which were most remarkable. I was charm’d with the noble Walk, form’d by the Cours, along by the Sea-side, where I met with a great Number of Coaches, which seem’d to me to have more of the French Air than those of Rome, bating only, that they were all drawn by Mules, or very sorry Horses. After I had taken a Walk, I was invited to make one of a Party at Supper, where I was promis’d good Chear and good Company; which I freely accepted, and had the Pleasure of seeing the Performance as good as the Promise. The Entertainment was most delicate, and very amiable Ladies were also of the Party: I should have had an intire Pleasure in conversing with them; but, for Want of understanding Italian, I could only talk by Signs, a Method of Conversation very troublesome for Persons that would have desir’d nothing better than to hold a Discourse. After Supper they propos’d a Match at Pharao; the Prince T—— offer’d to cut the Cards, and had such a Run of bad Luck, that in a little time I saw him lose considerable Sums. I won to my Share 260 Pistoles, which that Gentleman sent me next Day, together with a great Basket of green Peas, and good Store of Fruit.

While I stay’d at Naples, I could not help going to see the famous Mount Vesuvius, of which I had heard so much Talk; but when I found myself at the Top of this dreadful Mountain, I repented of my Labour, for I imagin’d I should have been requited for the Pains I took, by the Sight of something marvellous, when I came to the Top; but so far from it, that I saw nothing but Smoak issuing from several very great Cavities, which it would not have been prudent to approach; and indeed I had no manner of Temptation to it, so that I return’d but little wiser than I went: What I remark’d in particular was, that as I struck my Foot against the Ground, I heard a Noise, very much like the Sound of an empty Cask; and that’s all I am able to tell you of Mount Vesuvius. As to the Form of this Mountain, it would be in vain to describe it, because it changes its Shape every time it throws out Fire. I found it much more painful to descend the Mount than I did to ascend it, for the Abundance of bak’d Clods, calcin’d Stones, sulphurous Matter, and the Heaps of Ashes, made the Descent so difficult, that when I came to the Bottom, I found myself so fatigued, that I could scarce remount my Horse: I perceiv’d that the soft Boots I wore, were intirely burnt, undoubtedly by the Sulphur and Lime, of which the Mountain is intirely compos’d. I was then told, that it had not cast out any Flames for a long time, but that this would infallibly happen very soon, because new Holes were discover’d in it, and that the Earth, which visibly broke away, began to sink. I thought such a Mountain was a very bad Neighbour to so considerable a City as Naples; yet the Neapolitans don’t seem to be much terrify’d at it. Indeed when the Flames actually break out, they are not the same Men; they then flock in Crouds to the Churches, every body falls to Prayer, and they make public Promises to change their Lives; but no sooner do they think all the Danger to be over, than they relapse into the same Degree of Debauchery as ever: In which they resemble those Wits, who, when they are in perfect Health, seem to set Death at Defiance; but when they feel its Approaches, discover such faint Hearts as give the Lye to their pretended Heroism.

Next Day I went to see the great Carthusian Church of St. Martin, which is most happily situated: The Church and Convent are Two stately Structures, which contain immense Wealth: The Treasury and Sacristy are full of noble Ornaments, Vessels of Gold and Silver, richly wrought and adorn’d for most part with precious Stones; and the Friars have very convenient Lodgings, every one having a Chamber, a Closet, a Library, and a little Garden to himself.

I went afterwards to Pozzuoli or Puteoli, where I saw a Road, or rather a Cavern, of a very singular Structure, which is cut out partly in the Rock, and partly in the Sand: ’Tis 30 or 40 Feet in Height, and broad enough for Two Coaches to go abreast. This Road, which is very long, receives no Light but from the Extremities, and a Hole in the middle; for which reason, in the greatest Part of it, one is forc’d to grope out the Way in the Dark, and to take Care to call out at proper Distances, to give Notice where one is, a Precaution without which People would be in Danger of running foul of one another.

After I had pass’d this Cavern, I found myself near that call’d la Grotte du Chien, or the Dog’s Grotto, which is but a narrow Cavern, and at most only Five Feet in Height, so that few People can stand upright in it. I there saw the Experiment usually made there: A Dog was laid flat with his Face to the Ground, which the very same Instant fell into Convulsions, and soon after shew’d no Sign at all of Life. Upon this he was thrown out of the Cavern as dead, when a Man took him, and put him into the Lake, which is but 25 or 30 Paces from the Cavern, and the Dog immediately recover’d his Spirits. After this Experiment was over, which I leave to be accounted for by wiser Heads than mine, I went to Puteoli, which in Truth has nothing of its ancient Splendor remaining. And I can’t imagine why Foreigners make it a Sort of Law to go to it; for there’s nothing now to be seen here, except old Ruins of no Signification.

The Impatience I had to see the famous City of Venice did not permit me to continue long at Naples, so that I stay’d there no longer than was necessary to receive an Answer to a Letter, which I wrote at my Arrival there, to the Count de S——, in Sicily; wherein I pretended, that Affairs of the utmost Importance had prevented me from having the Honour of joining him as soon as I wish’d; but you must know, that this was all mere Compliment of mine, for several of my Friends had put me very much out of Conceit with going to serve in Sicily. And the Letter, which the Count de S—— return’d in Answer to mine, completed my Disgust; for he wrote in a Style that I did not like, and the Lectures he was pleas’d to give me, made me resolve not to expose myself to the Danger of receiving a second Letter: I wrote to him therefore, that he was welcome to dispose of my Commission, and that my Affairs did not permit me to enter into the Service so soon. From that time I determin’d to continue my Travels, and to try my Fortune at the Spanish Court, to which I had for a long while been desirous of going; but you will soon perceive, that I was just as fortunate at that Court as I was at all the rest.

Having therefore no longer any Restraint upon me in my Travels, I chose to satisfy my Curiosity, and from Naples I set out for Venice. I made the best of my Way thro’ several little Towns of St. Peter’s Patrimony, in which there was nothing remarkable, besides sorry Victualling-houses, but stopp’d at Loretto, a little Town in the Marquisate of Ancona, the Suburbs whereof I thought very charming: The Town itself is very pretty, and advantagiously situate, being plac’d on a Hill, from whence is a noble Prospect of the Adriatic Sea, or Gulph of Venice. The Inhabitants of Loretto are all very rich, yet all their Trade consists in Strings of Beads, Images of the Virgin, and other Things of that Sort; but then there’s such a vast Resort of Pilgrims thither at every Turn, that the Money they lay out for Lodging, and for the Purchase of Images and Beads, is sufficient alone to maintain the Inhabitants handsomly.

You know, Madame, that the Business of a Pilgrimage to Loretto is to visit a Chapel, which was formerly the House where the Holy Virgin dwelt, when the Angel brought her the Tidings that she should be the Mother of the Saviour of the World: ’Tis surprizing at first Dash to find a House in Italy, which was formerly built in a Country so far off; but when one comes to be a little acquainted with History, the Astonishment presently subsides; for this House shifted its Place several times before it fix’d in the Marquisate of Ancona: It was first, they say, remov’d by Angels from Nazareth, which was really its original Country, into Dalmatia, where it stay’d Three Years. When that Term was expir’d, the said Angels remov’d it a second time, and carry’d it to the Territory of Recanati, in the Marquisate of Ancona: But as every Day produc’d some Murder or Robbery in those Parts, the Angels, alarm’d at such a Neighbourhood, carry’d away the House a third time, and plac’d it some Distance from the Spot, where it stands now. But there it did not stay long; for a Couple of Friars, to whom the Ground belong’d on which the House was plac’d at that time, having a warm Contention which should be the Proprietor of it, the Angels soon put an End to the Dispute, by removing the Building the fourth and last time, and putting it where it now stands: To do Honour to this House, and perhaps also to fix it here, Care was taken to build a very magnificent Church, in the middle of which ’tis inclos’d. The Walls of this Church are lin’d with white Marble, wrought in Basso-Relievo by the ablest Workmen of that Time; containing the whole History of the Holy Virgin: There are also between double Columns of the Corinthian Order Two Rows of Niches, one above the other, in the lowermost Row whereof are the Statues of the Prophets, and in the uppermost those of the Sybils; the whole being of admirable Workmanship. The House of the Virgin, which is commonly call’d Santa Casa, seem’d to me to be built of Brick: ’Tis much longer than broad: ’Tis divided by an Altar into Two unequal Parts, in the least whereof is the miraculous Statue of the Virgin, which stands in a Nich, bearing the Infant Jesus in her Right Arm. The Mother and Child have each a Triple Crown of Gold, adorn’d with precious Stones. The whole Habit consists of a long Mantle of Gold Brocade, embroider’d with Pearls and Diamonds. The Sanctuary is lighted by several Lamps of solid Gold, of a prodigious Size, particularly one, not only remarkable for its Bigness, but for the Richness of the Workmanship, which was sent to Loretto by the Republic of Venice, to fulfil a Vow of that Republic, during the time of a Plague, which made cruel Ravages in a great Part of the State of Venice.

As to the Divine Service, it may be said to be perform’d at Loretto, to the utmost Degree of Exactness; nor is there any thing more edifying than to see with what Devotion Pilgrims from all Countries come to visit the Santa Casa. They enter it upon their Knees, and devoutly kiss the Walls of it, as well as the Chimney, in which they pretend, the Holy Virgin dress’d her Meat. They also apply their Beads and Images to a Porringer, which, they say, was the very same that serv’d for the Holy Virgin’s Soup-Dish.

As I went out of the Church, I was carry’d to a great Room, where I saw immense Riches. There are 17 large Presses, all full of Jewels and Vessels, for most part of Gold, or of some more precious Matter. In this Room I also saw the Virgin’s numerous Suits of Apparel, of which she has Change for every Day in the Year, and so rich, that I declare I never saw any thing like it. After I had well view’d this costly Wardrobe, I went to see the Palace, which is a very spacious Building, not a great way from the Church. I was shew’d the Wardrobe of it, where is a deal of fine Tapistry, and I afterwards went to see the Arsenal, which is not very considerable.

When I had intirely satisfy’d my Curiosity at Loretto, I set out for Bologna, and went by the very Gates of Ancona, which is a Sea-Port in the Pope’s Dominions; but I made no Stay at it, because I had been told before-hand, there was nothing in it worth seeing, and went and din’d at Fano, a very pretty little Town, where I saw a Triumphal Arch with Three Gates, the Inscriptions whereof were quite defac’d, and I could find no body wise enough to let me into the History of this Fragment, which I thought very ancient.

From thence I went to Pesaro, a little Town not far from the Sea, and very much celebrated for the Fertility of its Soil. Here is a very large Square, and in the middle of it a magnificent Fountain. This City and the whole Duchy of Urbino were united to the Holy See during the Pontificate of Urban VIII. whose Statue, still to be seen in the great Square, was erected in Memory of that Event.

From Pesaro I went in a Day to Rimini, an Episcopal City which stood formerly, on the Sea-side; but has not had that Advantage for a long Time, the Sea being retir’d from it above half a Mile. This was the first Place that Cæsar took at the Beginning of the Civil War. The Emperor Augustus embellish’d it with a Triumphal Arch, which is to be seen here at this Day; as are also the Ruins of an Amphitheatre, and of a Marble Bridge well preserv’d, over which there are two Inscriptions that denote it was built by the Emperors Augustus and Tiberius. All the way from Rimini to Bologna I saw nothing remarkable.

[21]Bologna is an Archbishoprick, and the second in the Ecclesiastical State: ’Tis commonly call’d Bologna the Fat, because of its fruitful Soil. ’Twas heretofore independent of the Holy See, and had very advantagious Terms for submitting to it. It has a Right, among Others, of having always at Rome an Auditor pf the Rota, and an Ambassador; which is punctually observ’d: And the Pope, on his Part, has a Legate here, who is always a Cardinal, and lodges in the Palace, which indeed is ancient, but very spacious, and the Apartments are conveniently distributed. Over the Portico of this Palace is a Statue of Brass erected to the Honour of Gregory XIII. which is look’d upon as a Master-piece of Art, and weighs, as they say, 11,000 Pound; and on one Side of it is another of Boniface VIII. which is not a bad one.

As to the Manners of the Inhabitants of Bologna, I cannot but speak in Praise of them: They have all the Civility and Regard to Foreigners that one can wish for. There is Abundance of Gentry here, who live with more Grandeur and Freedom than in any other Part of Italy; and, to say all that I think of this City in one Word, if I were to settle in Italy, ’tis the only Town I would chuse to live in.

After some Stay here, I set out for Venice, in a Boat call’d The Messenger, which goes off from Bologna every Morning, or at least several times in a Week: ’Tis the most detestable Vessel that a Gentleman can be stow’d in; but you must go with that or none. We had not gone far, but, when we were still some Miles from Ferrara, we found the Water was too shallow, so that every Soul in the Boat was forc’d to go ashore, where we put our Baggage into Waggons, and our Persons into a sort of Coach, almost like the Stage-Coaches of France. The Outside of this Vehicle was so unpromising, that I profess I was very loth to get within it; besides, the Coachman seem’d to be fuddled, and his Horses being very sprightly, requir’d the Driver to be in his sober Senses. Nevertheless, having at that Time no other Way to proceed but to trust myself in that Carriage, or to foot it all the rest of the Journey, I did as others did, and we all ventur’d boldly into the Coach. We set out with such a Pace as made me terribly uneasy all the Way; yet our Coachman drove cleverly thro’ the most difficult Places, and carry’d us safe to Ferrara: But we had scarce enter’d that City, when our Charioteer, ’tis like to shew his Skill, made his Horses double their Pace just as we were to turn into a Street; whereupon they ran with such Fury, that, turning a little too short, one of the Wheels behind passing over a high Bank, our Coach overturn’d so suddenly, that the two Persons who sat next the Door were kill’d on the Spot, and the others dangerously wounded. For my own Part, I came off with a Blow on my Head, which made me have a swell’d Face for Seven or Eight Days. My Valet de Chambre, who sat over-against me, had his Wrist put out of Joint: And, in short, out of Eight of us that were in Company, there was not one but had some Harm. What surpriz’d me more than any thing was, that I had the least, which, perhaps, is the first time that I ever met with a Companion that came off worse than myself. I could have wish’d to have walk’d about Ferrara[22], but my swell’d Face hinder’d me; and therefore, without Loss of Time, I put my Baggage on board a Vessel which carry’d me to Venice[23], where I arriv’d at Midnight.

I kept my Chamber for some Days, till I was recovered of my Fall, and then took a Tour about the several Parts of the City, sometimes in the Gondola, and at other times on Foot. The former Method of Travelling, tho’ very pleasant, is apt to frighten such as are not us’d to it, who often think themselves in danger of drowning, especially at the Turnings out of one Street into another; for then one would think the Boat was ready to be swallow’d up in the Canal; which indeed might very well be the Case with Boatmen of less Understanding than the Gondoliers of Venice; but these are so dexterous that one never hears of any Misfortune.

The first Thing I went to see was the famous Church dedicated to St. Mark, the Protector of the Republic. The Front is adorn’d with Five Portico’s, of which the middle one is bigger and more spacious than the others. On the Top of it there are Four Horses of Brass, said to have formerly belong’d to a Chariot of the Sun, that serv’d for an Ornament to the Triumphal Arch which the Senate of Rome caus’d to be erected for the Emperor Nero, after the Victory he gain’d over the Parthians. The Emperor Constantine caus’d them to be remov’d afterwards to Constantinople, but the Venetians brought them back again, after they had made themselves Masters of that City. Besides these Four Horses, the Front of the Church is adorn’d with other Statues. The Roof consists of several Domes, over which there are very fine Crosses. The Inside of the Church is truly magnificent: The Walls are lin’d throughout with Marble; the Pavement is also of Marble of perfect Mosaic Workmanship; and the Roof is lin’d in the same manner.

From thence I went to the Palace of the Doge, the Architecture of which I took to be very irregular. The Hall where the Nobles meet, is a prodigious large Room: The Doge’s Throne, which is plac’d at one End of it, is higher than the rest by some Steps: There the Nobles sit upon Benches fronting the Throne, which form Eleven Rows, or Walks, wide enough for a Person to pass easily between them: The Throne and the Seats of the Nobles are very plain: The Beauty of this Room consists intirely in Pictures that are worth seeing: There is one that represents the Taking of Constantinople by the Venetians; and on the other Side is the History of Pope Alexander III. and of the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, with the Pictures of the several Doges.

There is a large Square call’d The Broglio, before the Doge’s Palace, where the Nobles commonly take the Air; and tho’ there be no Covering to it, nor any Verdure, yet ’tis very pleasant because of the Neighbourhood of the Sea, the Prospect of which is boundless and most delightful. The Resort of Ships, Galleys, and Gondolas, continually coming in and out here, affords another Scene, which is the more amusing because of its Variety. Besides this, one has the Pleasure too of discovering several little Islands that are said to be inhabited by none but Fryars, who have magnificent Churches and Convents there. At that End of this Square, next to the great Canal, there are Two fine Pillars of Marble; on one of which are the Arms of the Republic, viz. a Winged Lyon; and on the second is the Statue of St. Theodore, the ancient Patron of the Republic.

I had not the Honour of seeing the Doge, and therefore shall say nothing of him, only that he seems to me but an imaginary Prince, and in Effect no more than the First Slave of the Republic. All the Lustre he has, is to be at the Head of the Senate and the Nobles in all the Assemblies and Ceremonies; for the rest, his Credit, if he may be said to have any, is extremely bounded. The Ceremony in which he appears with all his Splendor, is that which is perform’d every Year at Venice, upon Ascention-Day: Then the Doge, at the Head of the Senate and all the Nobility, goes on board a stately Vessel call’d the Bucentaure; and when he is advanc’d a little way into the Gulph, he throws a Gold Ring into the Sea, and says, We marry thee, O Sea, in Token of that True and Perpetual Dominion which the Republic has over Thee. And indeed, the Venetians look upon the Adriatic Sea as their peculiar Property.

The Venetian Nobles are as scrupulous in Matters of State, as the modern Romans are in those of Ceremony; insomuch that they break off all Correspondence with any Man that keeps Company with an Ambassador; of which I myself had Experience. As I had known M. de Q—— at the King of England’s Court at Hanover, and M. G—— at the Court of Vienna, I thought that when I saw them return’d to Venice, I could not do better than to pay them a Visit, in order to be introduc’d into good Families. I went to them accordingly, and was receiv’d with all possible Civility by those Gentlemen, who next Day return’d my Visit, when I observ’d in the Course of the Conversation, which was not very long, that Notice had been taken of my being so often at the House of the Imperial Ambassador; and I, for my own Part, gave them to understand, that I was not dispos’d to make a Sacrifice of the Ambassador’s Family in Compliment to them. The Person who then resided there with that Character was the Count de Colloredo, at whose House there was an Assembly every Night of all the Foreigners of most Distinction at Venice. He had with him the Countess of Colloredo, whom, no doubt, you have seen at the House of her Brother M. de Blaspiel, when she was the Widow of the Count de Collonitz. The Ambassador and his Lady were perfectly complaisant to all Persons that came to their House, and there was every Day very good Company. I made an Aquaintance there with the Marchioness de R——, Daughter of the celebrated Madame de M——. This Lady had left the Court of France and her Family, and, after having travell’d thro’ several Countries, came and settled at Venice. I confess I was heartily concern’d to see a Lady, who must have been very amiable in her Time, reduc’d, by a natural Uneasiness of her Temper, which perhaps too was Hereditary, to lead so strolling a Life.

While I stay’d at Venice, the Hereditary Prince of Modena came and spent a few Days there. The Venetians made several Entertainments for him, which gave me the Pleasure of seeing the Venetian Ladies in all their Dresses, or else I should have gone away without seeing one of them; for the Jealousy of their Husbands confines them almost always within Doors, so that ’tis impossible to see them, but in the Time of the Carnival, or on some Days of Festival. While the Prince of Modena stay’d at Venice, there was a sort of Carnival, which gave the Town an Air of Gaiety that is not common to it. I was surpriz’d at the magnificent Dresses of the Ladies, especially at the Number of their Jewels; for as to the rest of their Habit, there was something odd in it, as there is always in the Dress of the Italians. They were very constant at the Balls which were made for that Prince, who could not fail of being pleas’d to see how fond the Republic was to caress him. They also entertain’d him with a Diversion call’d the Regatte, which is a Contention of small Vessels to out-sail one another, and makes a very pleasant Shew. They are divided into Four little Squadrons, which are distinguish’d from one another by little Flags or Streamers of several Colours, and every Squadron is conducted by a great Bark richly gilded and adorn’d with very fine Paintings. The Seamen who are on board these Vessels, are always dress’d after a very gallant Manner: These Squadrons strive which shall gain the Prize appointed for that which arrives first at the Mark. The Prince of Modena seem’d to be mightily delighted with the Entertainment. In a few Days after it, he set out from Venice. I thought also of proceeding in my Travels thro’ Italy, and went to Padua with the same Gondoliers that had serv’d me while I stay’d at Venice.

[24]Padua is an Episcopal City, famous for its University; and more ancient, they say, than Rome and Venice. ’Tis thought to have been founded by Antenor the Trojan Prince, whose Tomb is still to be seen there. Its Soil is extremely fertile, and from thence came the Proverb, Bologne la Grasse, mais Padoue la passe, i. e. Bologne the Fat, but Padua the Fatter. As to the outside Appearance of the Town, I took such a cursory View of it indeed, that what I saw of it gave me no great Idea of it; for where-ever I came, every thing had a very dirty Hue: The Pavement was much out of Order, and the Houses of a despicable Taste; but I thought the Churches of St. Anthony and St. Justina really magnificent.

The first, where lies the Body of St. Anthony, is fac’d with Basso-Relievo’s of white Marble, representing the principal Miracles wrought by that Saint. The Altar is richly adorn’d, and illuminated with Thirty-nine great Silver Lamps that burn Night and Day.

St. Justina’s Church, tho’ far inferior to St. Anthony’s in point of Magnificence, is one of the finest in all Italy. The High Altar is, in all respects, a finish’d Piece of Work, and is intirely of Marble; as are also Twenty-four other Altars in the same Church, every one of which is of a particular Architecture. Round the Choir are Pews adorn’d with Basso-Relievo’s, representing the Prophecies contain’d in the Old Testament relating to Jesus Christ; and the fulfilling of them in the New. On one Side of this Church is a huge Monastery, which has Six Cloysters, several Courts, and a Number of very magnificent Gardens. I went afterwards to see the Hall of the Town-house, which is one of the largest in Europe, being 256 Feet in Length, and 86 in Breadth: The Roof is very fine, and the Workmanship thereof bold, having no Pillar to support it; but the Fault of it is ’tis pretty dark, though I know not what should hinder its having more Light, the Situation of it being such that it might be procur’d for a very small Charge.

From Padua I went to Modena, by the Way of Ferrara and Bologna. The Soil of Padua being very marshy, the Roads are terrible, and I had as much to do as ever I had in my Life to reach to Ferrara, where I took Water, for fear that I had the same bad Way to get to Bologna. The very Day that I arriv’d at the latter, I set out for Modena, to which is a very plain Road thro’ a most agreeable Country, where the Eye is feasted at every Turn with a pleasing Variety.

Modena is the Capital of a Duchy of the same Name. This was the City in which Mark Anthony besieg’d Brutus, after the Murder of Cæsar. The Dukes of Modena are of the Family of Est, and depend on the Empire. I had the Honour of making my Compliments to the Duke Regent, who receiv’d me in the most obliging Manner that could be. He was still in Mourning for the Empress Leonora, Mother to the Emperor. He receiv’d me standing: As soon as ever I had made my Obeisance he put on his Hat, forc’d me to put on mine, talk’d kindly to me for a good while, and I went away very well satisfy’d with my Audience.

As I had no Design to stay long at Modena, I did but glance over the several Quarters of this City, in which I found no Structure, either sacred or prophane, that deserves a Traveller’s Regard. The Streets of Modena are narrow, nasty, and ill-pav’d, the Street of the Course being the only one that is tolerable. The Duke’s Palace will be grand and magnificent when finish’d; as much as I saw of it carry’d up, being sufficient to form a great Idea of what the rest will be. The Duke’s Apartments are spacious and richly furnish’d: There was one of them fitting up for Madamoiselle de Valois, the Daughter of the Duke of Orleans the Regent, now the Princess of Modena, who they expected would soon be their Sovereign; and all Hands were at work to give her a Reception worthy of what she was already, and of what she was like to be. This Princess had need be Mistress of her Temper to bear the kind of Life they live at the Court of Modena, to which none can compare for Tranquillity; insomuch that it may be said, the very Gloominess of it is enough to incline a Person to Melancholy, especially one that comes to it from so gay a Court as that of France. In short, the Life of the Court of Modena is the Life of a Convent: When they rise, they go to Mass, and dine betimes; after Dinner they take a Turn out for the Air; in the Evening they play for some Time, sup at Eight a Clock, and by Ten they are in Bed. This, Madame, is the common Custom at the Court of Modena; at least they liv’d thus when I was there: but the Arrival of the Princess perhaps might make some Alteration in that irksome Repetition of the same thing over again in Life, which is by no means suitable to a Sovereign Court.

From Modena I went to Reggio, a City and Bishoprick between Parma and Modena. This Town is noted for its Fairs, which are said to have some Resemblance with ours at Francfort and Leipsic. I have been told, that during these Fairs there’s always a noble Opera perform’d in this Town.

From Reggio I struck into the Road to Parma, an Episcopal City, and Capital of a Duchy of the same Name. The Cathedral is a magnificent Pile, and the Dome is adorn’d with Paintings, which are much admir’d by the best Judges. As to the rest of the City, it appear’d to me to be large and very well built. Its Inhabitants are polite, generous and ingenious, and there’s a good Number of Nobility here, but they live so much after the Italian manner, that ’tis not an easy Matter to get acquainted with them.

The Court of Parma is but little, if any thing, gayer than that of Modena: I was perfectly well receiv’d by the then Duke, viz. Francis Farnese, who, by a Dispensation, of which there are few Examples in the Catholic Church, had marry’d his Brother’s Widow. This Princess is call’d Dorothy of Neubourg: She is Sister of the Elector Palatine, and had by her first Husband Elizabeth Farnese, the present Queen of Spain: She having no Issue by her second, the Duchy of Parma, by the Death of Duke Francis Feb. 22, 1727, devolv’d to his Brother Anthony Farnese, who marry’d Henrietta Princess of Modena. As there is Reason to believe that this Marriage too will prove sterile, the famous Farnese Family, which owes its Advancement to Paul III. will be extinct in this Anthony. The said Pope, a little after his Exaltation to the Pontificate, gave the Investiture of the Dominions of Parma and Placentia to Lewis Farnese his Bastard, who marry’d a Bastard Daughter of the Emperor Charles V. yet this double Bastardy has not been a Bar to the matching of this with the chief Families in Europe.

I stay’d Three Days at Parma, and then proceeded on my Journey; I pass’d thro’ Piacenza or Placentia, so call’d from its pleasant Situation; Nature having not form’d a finer Country any where than that betwixt this City and Parma: Here is a very fine Castle, and a noble Square, in which is the Court of Justice. The Houses are very well built, but not lofty, tho’ indeed it would not signify any thing if they were higher, it being so thinly inhabited, that it looks like a Desert; for sometimes one shall walk a long while in this City, and not meet a Soul.

I stay’d but a Day at Piacensa, and went directly to Milan, the capital City of one of the finest Duchies in the World: ’Tis one of the most beautiful Cities in all Italy, and the most magnificent in Buildings, both sacred and profane. The Metropolitan Church is, next to St. Peter’s at Rome, one of the finest Pieces of Work that can be imagin’d: ’Tis all white Marble within and without, and there’s a great Number of Statues of the same. The Roof is supported by 160 Columns of white Marble, which are each valued at 10,000 Crowns. The Tower at the Top of it is also worth visiting, its Situation being so advantagious, that one sees several Cities from it, and a good Part of Lombardy.

There are several other noble Churches, of which I don’t propose to give you a Description, nor of many other elegant Structures, that are likewise richly furnish’d; for the Milanese Gentry love Magnificence: Their Apartments have a certain grand and noble Air, which the Italians for most part rarely affect. The People of Quality here are very sociable: There’s an Assembly every Night at one House or other by Turns, and in all Places there’s great Freedom. Every one has his favourite Amusement; some chat, others play. They commonly sup together, after the Gaming is over, and sometimes they have a sort of Ball. You perceive, Madame, by what I have already said of Milan, that ’tis a very agreeable Place to live in: I forgot to mention one distinguishing Quality of the Milanese, which is, that they are not at all jealous, a Fault that seems so predominant in the Temper of the Italians, that I cannot imagine how they escape it.

You must know, that never was City subject to more Revolutions than Milan: It has been besieg’d 40 times, and 22 times taken, but was never worse treated than it was by the Emperor Frederic I. surnam’d Barbarossa. This Prince, after he had taken it, caus’d it to be demolish’d, and sow’d it with Salt; only a few Churches were spar’d. The Duchy of Milan, which, by its Situation, lies convenient for many Sovereigns, has always prov’d a Source of Wars for Italy: You have read no doubt in several Histories, what Misfortunes this Duchy has entail’d upon the neighbouring Provinces, especially during the Reigns of Charles V. and Francis I. King of France. The latter having demanded the Milanese for his second Son the Duke of Orleans, the Emperor promis’d to give him the Investiture of it, but he was so little a Slave to his Word, that he gave himself no Trouble to discharge his Promise, which bred an implacable Hatred between those Two Monarchs: It was indeed suspended more than once, but ’twas always to gain a Breathing-time, for they hated each other as long as they liv’d.

After I had stay’d awhile at Milan, I set out for the Court of Savoy. The first City I stopped at was Casal, formerly one of the strongest and most important Fortresses in Italy: The Citadel especially was by all good Judges look’d upon as one of the Wonders of the World. Lewis XIV. who had Possession of it for a long time, caus’d such fortifications to be made there, as are hardly to be match’d. That Monarch observing the Bigness of the Buildings, caus’d an Intrenchment and a second Rampart to be made, which form’d a new Bastion in the Centre of the first; but now there remain only some Vestigies of those fine Works; the Fortifications both of the City and Citadel having been demolish’d in 1695, according to a Capitulation made between the Germans and the French, when the former made themselves Masters of the Place.

Casal belong’d heretofore to the Dukes of Mantua, but now, by the Emperor’s Grant thereof, it belongs to the King of Sardinia.

I went in one Day from Casal to[25]Turin, the capital City of Piedmont, the See of an Archbishop, and the chief Seat of the Duke of Savoy. ’Tis not very large, but is in the main a very pretty Town, the Streets being broad and strait, the Houses generally uniform, and intermingled with noble Edifices: Here is also a Citadel, one of the strongest that can be imagin’d, every Part of it being countermin’d. There is a Well of a very singular Construction, which, tho’ very deep, is so contrived, that several Horses may go down and up again, without meeting one another: This is perform’d by means of a double Stair-case without Steps, which winds so many times, that it makes the Descent easy.

The Entrance into Turin thro’ the new Gate gives one a grand Idea of the City: We come first into a great and very long Street, the Houses of which are all of the same Architecture: About the middle of it is the Square of St. Charles, which is encompass’d with Houses perfectly uniform, which would make a much more grand Appearance, if the Piazza’s, that run round it, were but higher. After one has pass’d the Square of St. Charles, the same new Street brings us to a second Square, that fronts the King’s Palace, on the Right Hand of which stands the Palace where liv’d Madame Royale, the King’s Mother: These Two Palaces have a Communication with each other by a Gallery.

There is nothing magnificent in the Outside of the King’s Palace, but then the Apartments are of an elegant Taste, and richly furnish’d, and here’s a great Number of Paintings, which good Judges reckon excellent Pieces. The Apartment of the King and Queen takes up the first Story, and forms a double Apartment, with a Guard-Room before it. The finest Part of the Palace is the famous Chapel of the Holy Handkerchief; tho’ this Chapel be a Part of the Cathedral, I make no Scruple to call it the Chapel of the Palace, because the King always hears Mass there. I thought it a very gloomy Place, undoubtedly because ’tis lin’d with black Marble of a greenish Cast; and besides, there was no Brass nor Gilding to enliven all this Black. I ask’d, what could be the Reason, why they chose black Marble preferably to any other; and was told, that ’twas in Remembrance of the Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ, whose Holy Handkerchief is preserv’d over the Altar: This Altar is so made, that Two Priests may say Mass at it together, without seeing or interrupting one another.

On one Side of the King’s Palace stands, as I had the Honour to tell you, the Palace of Madame Royale the King’s Mother. This Building was very inconsiderable heretofore, the Apartments being very plain, and the only Stair-case leading to it extremely incommodious: But Madame Royale, who did not value Money, caus’d great Alterations to be made in it: Among other Embellishments she built one intire Front, for the Sake of having one of the finest Stair-cases to it in the World; for which Reason they say now, That here’s a Stair-case without a Palace, as they said before, That ’twas a Palace without a Stair-case. Indeed the rest of the Building is by no means answerable to the Magnificence of the Front and the Stair-case; yet, as mean an Appearance as it makes without, the Apartments within are magnificent; for look which way soever, one sees nothing but Marble, noble Gilding, Paintings by the greatest Masters, Pier-Glasses of a wonderful Size and Beauty, and other very rich Furniture. This Palace had only one Garden to it, which was encompass’d on the Three Sides by Streets and very fine Squares: The Back-Part look’d towards that call’d the Street of the Po, which is one of the finest in Turin.

The Royal Family consisted first and foremost of King Victor Amadeus, who marry’d a Granddaughter of France, nam’d Anna-Maria of Orleans, Daughter of Philip Duke of Orleans, Brother to Lewis XIV. and to Henrietta of England, by whom he has had Two Princes and Two Princesses: The first of the Princes was Philip-Joseph, who dy’d the 22d of March, 1715, at 15 Years of Age: The second, who is the present King by the Resignation of the King his Father, is Charles-Emanuel, who marry’d first Anne-Christina of Sultzbach, and his second Wife was Polyxena of Hesse Rhinfels.

The Two Princesses were Mary-Adelaide of Savoy, (marry’d to the Duke of Burgundy, Dauphin of France, Father of Lewis XV.) who dy’d the 12th of February, 1712: And Mary-Louisa of Savoy, (the first Wife of Philip V. the present King of Spain) who dy’d the 14th of February, 1714.

The Queen was still living while I was at Turin: She was one of the most courteous Princesses in the World, lov’d dearly to converse with her Courtiers, and was perfectly civil to Foreigners that had the Honour to be introduc’d to her: She dy’d the 26th of August, 1728.

Madame Royale the King’s Mother was very ancient; yet ’twas easy to discover, that she had once her Share of Beauty, and she had still a fine Shape and a majestic Air, in Spite of her great Age.

The first Prince of the Blood of the Savoy Family is Victor Amedeus, the Prince of Carignan: This Prince happen’d not to be at Turin when I was there, his Affairs having requir’d his Presence for some time in France: I had the Honour of paying my Compliments to the Princess his Consort, who, you know, is the King’s Daughter, by the Countess of Verrue. Before her Marriage she went by the Title of Madamoseille de Suza: This Princess is indeed not very tall, but she is a perfect Beauty, the Features of her Face, which are regular, being improv’d moreover by a fair clear Complexion. All these external Perfections are supported likewise by the best Sense and a generous Soul: She is so good-natur’d, so civil, and has such a happy manner of expressing herself, as wins the Hearts at the same time as it procures the Respect of those that hear her: She has a Vivacity of Temper, which charms, and a Generosity, which is not confin’d to Words only; and she is never better pleas’d, than when she has an Opportunity of doing Service: This, Madame, is not a feign’d Character, for I say no more than what I was Eye-Witness of myself, and what the whole City of Turin said of this Princess: And I saw with what Regret they parted with her, when she set out to see her Husband at Paris, which she did while I was at Turin.

I was a constant Attendant at Court to pay my Duty to the King and all the Royal Family: The Time that one had the Honour of speaking to his Majesty was commonly when he went from Mass, for it was very rare to see him the rest of the Day. After this the Company us’d to go to the Prince of Piedmont’s Apartment, which was over the King’s; but one had not the Pleasure of waiting on that Prince so often or so long as it were to be wish’d, because he was then very much taken up with his Studies: The best time to see him was in the Evening, when he came to the Queen’s Drawing-Room, which was open’d about 6 or 7 o’Clock: Then the Ladies came in their Court Dress, and were admitted into the Queen’s Chamber, where a Chair of State was plac’d between Two Rows of Stools: The Queen came out of her Closet with the Princesses, and as soon as she was in Reach of her Chair, she made a Curtesy to the Right and Left, and then sate down: The Princesses also seated themselves in Folding Chairs; but the Ladies stood behind the Princesses, and the Gentlemen behind the Ladies: The Queen, after a Conversation with the Princesses and the Ladies, arose, paid her Compliments again to the Right and Left, and then retir’d; tho’ sometimes she stopp’d in the same Chamber, to talk to such Ladies or Gentlemen as she had a Mind to distinguish.

From the Queen’s Drawing-Room the Company went to the Apartment of Madame Royale. This Princess had a Drawing-Room in the same manner as the Queen, only with this Difference, that the Prince of Piedmont was not there, and that after it was over, her Royal Highness permitted those Persons that she had a Mind to honour, to follow her into her Bedchamber, where she talk’d a long time with them, being supported all the while by one of her Equerries.

After her Drawing-Room was over, there was no other Person of the Royal Family to be seen more for that Night, and then the Nobility us’d to repair to the Princess of Villa-Franca’s Assembly, where there was Variety of Gaming: There were always several Tables for Ombre, Pharo, Lansquenet, &c. and I play’d there with Fortune very much on my Side, as I had done ever since I had been in Italy, where Gaming, in short, had defray’d all my Expences; insomuch that when I got to the other Side of the Mountains, I found that I was still a Gainer by about 200 Pistoles.

I found a great many Foreigners in the Service of the King of Sardinia: The Commander of his Forces was M. de Rhebinder, a Swede, who gave Foreigners a complete Reception, and his House was one of the best in Turin. M. de Schulembourg, whose Family you know perfectly well, was a Lieutenant-General: This Nobleman being a Lutheran, had obtain’d Leave to have a Chaplain of his own Religion. I shall not mention the other foreign Officers to you, because I had no particular Acquaintance with them.

Before I leave Turin, I fancy you will not be displeas’d with some Account of the King’s Houshold, which tho’ not numerous, is very magnificent. His Majesty has Three Companies of Life-Guards, which are distinguish’d by the Names of Sardinia, Savoy, and Piedmont, and are very well cloath’d. The King has a considerable Number of Pages, who are brought up much more carefully than at our German Courts, where one very often forgets that the Pages are Gentlemen. Their Livery is Scarlet, with a blue and white Velvet Lace.

The Prince of Piedmont was serv’d by the King’s Officers.

The Queen had her separate Houshold. She had a Lady of Honour, a Tire-Woman, and Six Maids of Honour, who were to be cashier’d, and they talk’d of appointing Six Ladies of the Bedchamber, that were marry’d, to attend the Queen’s Person in their room.

Madame Royale had also her Houshold and her Guards. As she was naturally fond of Splendor, all her Court made a very gay Appearance. She had likewise in her Service the same Number of Ladies and Maids of Honour as the Queen had.

There happen’d an Adventure at the Court of her Royal Highness which made a very great Noise. Among this Princess’s Maids of Honour, who were all very amiable, there was one that so far excell’d the rest, that her Beauty engag’d her a great many Admirers from all Parts. Among others that enter’d the Lists, was a young Piedmontese, whom I knew full well. He was a very handsome lively Man, but a mere Rattle; so that after having set all Engines at work to carry his Point, and sigh’d a long time, he found himself just as far advanc’d as the first Day that he began. However, this young Lover was not dishearten’d, but continu’d his Addresses with a Constancy which really deserv’d some Regard; but whether ’twas owing to Virtue, or perhaps to the Fear of disgusting some favourite Lover, the Damsel remain’d inflexible. The Piedmontese being thus rebuff’d, thought he was bound in Honour not to survive such Treatment; but in so critical an Affair he resolv’d to do nothing rashly. He believ’d that when the cruel Fair One saw the Despair into which she had cast him, and the dreadful Extreme to which he was reduc’d, it might engage her to treat him with less Severity; but it happen’d quite otherwise, insomuch that the silly young Fellow having declar’d in plain Terms that he would kill himself if he was to suffer Martyrdom any longer, the Damsel answer’d him very indifferently, Kill yourself if you will, what’s that to me? This Expression, indeed, made the young Piedmontese not so desirous to be his own Executioner as he pretended; but nevertheless he was resolv’d to frighten his Mistress, and leaving her very abruptly, he went and fill’d a Bladder with Blood, and putting it very artfully under his Shirt, he return’d to the Damsel, and threaten’d even to destroy himself in her Presence, if she persisted in her Refusal of his Addresses. The Answer he received being much of the same kind with the former, he cry’d out in a Passion, What, will you have my Life, Mademoiselle? Well then, so be it: At the same Instant he drew his Sword, and having prick’d the Bladder, he fell down as if he was a dead Man; Upon this the Damsel gave a dreadful Shriek, and Help came immediately. The great Effusion of Blood was terrifying at the first Sight; but when the young Spark was set upon his Legs, ’twas quickly perceiv’d by his Countenance, that the Sacrifice he had made did not cost him very dear. The worse Luck for him, it happen’d that Madame Royale was inform’d of it that very Instant; for the Tragi-Comedy being presently divulg’d in her Antichamber, that Princess, in order to teach the Puppy not to fail hereafter in the Respect due to Princes, caus’d him to be committed to a Castle not far from Turin, where he was for about Two Years a Prisoner.

From Turin I went the same Day to the Foot of Mount Cenis. I saw nothing remarkable all the Way, except the Town of Susa, in which were formerly kept the Titles and Charters of the House of Savoy; but the Emperor Frederic I. set Fire to it, and burnt them all.

At a little Distance from Susa is a Fortress call’d La Brunette, which is worth the Traveller’s Notice: It commands the Passage of the Alps, which hereafter will for that reason be more difficult for the French to pass than formerly. Next Day after my Arrival at the Foot of Mount Cenis, I prepared to pass that terrible Mountain: For this Purpose I dismounted my Chaise, and put it with my Trunks upon the Backs of Mules; after which I plac’d myself in a sort of Arm-Chair; and Two Men, who were reliev’d every now-and-then by Two others, carry’d me over it in Five Hours time. When I was on the Top of it I stopp’d, in hopes of discovering a great Tract of Country; but saw nothing, except a great Lake, and fine rich Meadows. On the Top of this Mountain there was a House of Entertainment, where the Mule-Drivers and Chair-Men always refresh themselves. This surely is the dismalest Place in the World, it being situate in the middle of a frightful Desert, which is always, or at least Nine Months in the Year, cover’d with Snow. One thing remarkable is, that no Robbery is committed in this wild Place, tho’ the People upon the Skirts of it are not to be trusted.

After I had been over Mount Cenis, I went to Lanebourg, the first Village in Savoy, where Travellers get again into their Chaises. As soon as my Equipage was remounted, I traveled to[26] Chambery, the Capital of Savoy. This is a City situate between Two Mountains, upon the Rivers Laise and Albans. ’Tis the Residence of a Parliament, consisting of Fifteen Senators and Four Presidents, which is oblig’d for its Institution to Amedeus VIII. Duke of Savoy.

From Chambery I went to Geneva, a little Republic, which is an Ally of the Swiss Cantons. The City stands upon a Lake, of which it claims the Sovereignty, as the Republic of Venice does that of the Adriatic Sea. This Lake contributes very much to the Embellishment of Geneva, which is built upon a Hill, in Form of an Amphitheatre; so that on one Side it looks over the Lake, on the Banks of which are Vineyards and very pretty Country-Houses; and on the other Side is a Prospect of a noble Plain, Gardens, very fine Pastures, and a curious Walk form’d by a very long Mall: On each Side are the Mountains of Savoy, the Tops of which being cover’d with Snow, form a very agreeable View.

’Tis true, that as to the Genevese, the Situation of their City would be much more advantageous, if their Prospect was not so confin’d; or, at least, if they had nothing to fear from that which forms so charming a Point of View: For which way soever these Republicans turn their Eyes, they easily see the Limits of their Dominions; and this little Republic only subsists by the Jealousy of the Sovereigns their Neighbours, who will not suffer any one of themselves to make a Conquest of it. Mean time these People make a Parade of their Forces, and have been at considerable Expence in fortifying the Place, tho’ for what Reason I cannot imagine; since if any one of the neighbouring Powers came to attack Geneva, and the City was not supported by the others, it would be oblig’d to surrender, whether fortify’d or not. I should have thought it better to have employ’d the Money expended on their new Fortifications, in embellishing their City, and to have contented themselves with the old Fortifications, which were more than sufficient to have given them Time for receiving Succours in case of an Attack.

I went to see the Arsenal, which appear’d to me to be well furnish’d, and they have always a considerable Garison, the Soldiers of which must be all Voluntiers; and if they once take a Dislike to the Service, they may demand their Dismission, and their Officer cannot refuse it: Yet notwithstanding this Liberty, the Garison is not always completer than it should be.

The Genevese have the Reputation of being rich, and not without Foundation; for they drive a considerable Trade, and every body there is either a Merchant or a Manufacturer. Yet they affect a great deal of Plainness, both in their Buildings and their Furniture. Their Houses are not lofty, nor the Apartments very large; and both their Houshold-stuff and Cloaths are very modest; there being a Decree of the Senate, which forbids them to make use of Gilding in their Furniture or Apparel, for fear, ’tis like, that Luxury, which formerly prov’d the Ruin of the Roman Republic, should be equally destructive to their petty State.

The Senate of Geneva commonly assembles in their Town-House, opposite to which is a Guard-Room, where the Soldiers present their Arms, as the Senators go in or out of the Assembly, or when they walk in Ceremony: Upon these Occasions the Senate and the Ministers form Two Rows, the former on the Right Hand, and the latter on the Left.

The Town-House has nothing very remarkable, every thing being very plain. In the great Hall I observ’d the Figures of Queen Anne of England, Frederic I. King of Prussia, Frederic William the Great Elector of Brandenbourg, and the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel; which are all so many Proofs of those Princes Communion with the Genevese. You know that they are all of the Calvinist Religion, and very careful not to suffer any other Sect to herd with them. The Lutherans have a little Chamber there, which serves for their Church, they being expresly forbid to build one. As for the Roman Catholics, they are look’d upon at Geneva to be all Idolaters; insomuch that the late King of France had much ado to get Leave for Mass to be said at his Resident’s House: The Genevese Ministers at the Time that Lewis XIV. caus’d this Demand to be made of the Republic, employ’d all their Engines to hinder its being granted; but all their Measures were in vain: and they were given to understand, that it would be imprudent to disoblige so great a Prince.

The Reverend Gentlemen their Ministers make so considerable a Figure in the State, that I must just mention them. They are reverenc’d as so many Bishops; every one of them in his respective Pulpit issues his Mandate, and decides Matters of Faith in the Dernier Resort: But tho’ they are all of the same Religion, they are some times very different from one another in Opinion. Nevertheless, be they ever so divided one among another, they join hand in hand when they have a Mind to inveigh against the Pope, the Court of Rome, the Bishops, and especially the Jesuits; for they can’t endure the latter: And ’tis rare for a Minister to be so much Master of his Temper, as to keep strictly to his Text, without rambling from it to lash those Fryars.

As to the Gentlemen of the Government, it must be confess’d they are very charitable. They have caus’d a magnificent Hospital to be built, on which they have settled great Revenues, and where the Poor are very well maintain’d. Here poor Passengers are admitted for one Day, and, after having been entertain’d with Lodging and Food, are dismiss’d the next Day, with some Money in their Pockets to proceed in their journey. This same Hospital serves also for a House of Correction for loose young Fellows and Women, over whom the Police at Geneva carries a very strict Hand. I wish I could say as much of the Trading Part of this City, who it may be are very civil People; but the Dispute I had with one of the most eminent of them, makes me very much suspect their Honesty; and this was what gave me an Opportunity to know a little of the Character of the Tradesmen of Geneva. ’Tis true, that I had nothing to do but with one of them; but as I was recommended to him alone, as a Man of the greatest Integrity in Geneva, I think I do not judge rashly of all the rest, by laying no more Dishonesty to their Charge than what I met with in this so much applauded Banker.

When I was preparing to quit Geneva, I had about the Value of 400 Pistoles, Part old Species and Part Spanish Pistoles; but I heard at the same time, that such Pieces were prohibited to pass in France, and therefore I was advis’d to get rid of them, and to take Bills of Exchange for them upon Lyons. I made no Hesitation to comply with this Advice, and went to find out the Man that was recommended to me for the honestest Banker in all Geneva. As Bills began at that time to sink very much in Credit, I bargain’d with him, that I should not be put off at Lyons, upon any Pretence whatever, with any thing less than ready Money. As all this was only verbal, the Banker made me the most solemn Promise, and back’d it with an Oath, that it should be as I would have it. Relying on Promises, which were in Appearance so authentic, I told down my Money, and when he took it, he added, That if the Banker at Lyons should happen to refuse me Specie, I need only send him back his Bill of Exchange, and I might depend on being paid in ready Money. Not doubting of this honest Man’s Sincerity, I set out from Geneva with his Bill of Exchange, and a small matter of Money that I had reserv’d, just to bear my Expences on the Road. As soon as I came to Lyons, I went to the Banker to whom the Genevese directed me, and presented my Bill of Exchange, for which I saw he was going to give me Paper; but I immediately refus’d to be paid in that sort of Coin, and told him the Agreement I had made at Geneva. He said to me, that he was not oblig’d to stand to an Agreement which he was no ways privy to, and advis’d me to send back my Bill to Geneva. I took his Advice, and wrote to my Banker, that what we had agreed upon would not be comply’d with; but he was so tedious in returning me an Answer, that I thought once I should have had neither Money nor Bills, and that by consequence my Case would have been very melancholy, the little Sum I had reserv’d for my Journey to Lyons being soon spent. However, at Three Weeks End the Genevese Banker sent back my Bill of Exchange, and stiffly deny’d that he had made any other Bargain with me, than that I should be paid in the Current Money, which was Bills. I plainly perceiv’d that there was no Remedy but Submission, therefore I took the Bills and set out Post from Lyons for Paris.

I found great Alterations in this City since I was here last. The Peace with Spain was establish’d: Most of the Prisoners that had been concern’d in the Prince of Cellamare’s Affair, were then at Liberty: Some, indeed, that were the most guilty, or the most useless to the State, had been banish’d the Kingdom; and the greatest Part were retir’d to Spain, where I saw some of them in such a poor Plight, that they wish’d themselves again in the Bastille, where they were at least well fed.

The Duke Regent, for his Part, after having thus pacify’d some Persons to whom his Authority gave Umbrage, had made Provision also for the Establishment of some of his Daughters. For the One he had provided the Abbey of Chelles, upon the Resignation of Madame de Villars, who was the Abbess. The Second, who was call’d Madamoiselle de Valois, had been just marry’d to the Hereditary Prince of Modena, and set out with a Paraphernalia more grand than what is given to the Daughters of France. The same Honours were paid to her upon the Road, as are commonly paid to the Daughters of the King; and that there might be Substance answerable to all this Splendor, the Duke of Modena had bargain’d for a very considerable Portion, payable in the Species of Italy, rather than be expos’d to all the Revolutions of the French Coin; in which that Prince made a wise Bargain, for every Day was remarkable for one Arret or other relating to the Species. Nevertheless, those Arrets did not look as if they would be long in Force; at least, the Thing which they had principally in View, absolutely came to nothing. There being therefore no Gold nor Silver of which they could lower the Value, it was thought expedient to touch the only Species left, I mean the Bank Bills, which in their Turn were subject to various Revolutions, that were of the worse Consequence to those wretched Effect; because, as they had no intrinsic Value, they might very easily relapse into their original Nothing. They say, that the Disaster which befel these Bills, was owing to Mr. Law’s Enemies, who envy’d the Credit which they saw this Foreigner had with the Regent; and of this nothing was a greater Demonstration than the Difficulty they had to succeed in their Undertaking. But at length they brought their Designs to bear; and after having remonstrated several times, but always to no Purpose, that the Bills did a considerable Injury to Trade; that several Merchants were oblig’d to shut up their Shops, because ’twas impossible to trade without Money; that private People, whose Substance lay intirely in Annuities, being paid off in Bills, could not subsist long, since Tradesmen would not accept of those Bills for more than the Value express’d upon them: In fine, the Regent being quite wearied out with the continual Solicitations of these Remonstrants, yielded to their Importunity, and consented to the suppressing of the Bills. But as it was very evident that it would be impossible to annul them all at once, it was resolv’d to do it by Degrees: Therefore, on the 21st of May, there came out an Arret, which lower’d the Bills from 10 per Cent. per Month, to one half of their Value. This Arret occasion’d some Tumult; all Paris was ready to rise in Arms, and so great was the Throng of People one pay to the Bank, that several were stifled in the Crowd, whose Bodies were carry’d by the mutinous Mob to the Court of the Royal Palace. Mr. Law, to whom they ow’d a Grudge for having given the Hint of so pernicious a Project, did not dare to shew his Head. In short, the Ferment seem’d to work so strong, that the Regent plainly perceiv’d ’twas impossible, at that Juncture, to inforce the Arret that had been newly issued; and chose to have it revok’d, in hopes of regaining the Confidence of the Public. But it was intirely lost, every one deserted the Bank; and notwithstanding the Menaces given out, that the Species would be lower’d, People rather chose to keep their Money, which would be always worth something, than to incumber themselves with Bills, which, whenever the Prince took the Whim, would only be attended with the melancholy Reflection by the Possessors, that they were once well to pass. In Fact, notwithstanding the Revocation of the Arret, the Bills sunk considerably every Day. Then it was that the Term of Realising became the favourite Word of the Time, that is to say, when the Generality of private Men, who had any Bills, endeavour’d to exchange them, not for Money, which at that Time seem’d to be bury’d again in the Earth, from whence its Original was dug, but for real Effects: Some bought Diamonds, others Plate, some Merchandize: In short, every wise Man got rid of his Paper; and even the Nobility turn’d Merchants: Particularly one of them, who was of the first Rank[27], had a considerable Warehouse stor’d with Coffee, Wax-Candles, Grocery-Wares, and the like Goods, to sell again. The Parliament took Cognisance of these Acquisitions, but his only Punishment was the Mortification he receiv’d from those Gentlemen; and he was left in Possession of the Grocery-Wares, Coffee, &c.

At this very critical Time, when the Bills were reduc’d, did I arrive at Paris; which City was then like a Wood for harbouring Robbers and Murderers; and, in Fact, the Ease of carrying the Fortunes of a great many People in a Pocket-Book was a great Temptation to Thieves: Moreover, notwithstanding the Scarcity of Money, Luxury, Debauchery and Gaming were arriv’d at the highest Pitch, and young Deboshees were guilty of the most shocking Enormities to satisfy their Extravagance: To this Purpose I was told a Story, that about the End of Lent 1721, the Count de Horn, a young Nobleman, related to the chief Families in Europe, was one of Three that basely murder’d a poor Wretch, who got his Livelihood by negociating Shares and Bills for other People: As this Man’s Letter-Case seem’d to be full of Effects, that must amount to a considerable Sum, the Count appointed him to come to a Tavern in St. Martin’s Street, on Pretence of buying some Shares of him; when he came, he took him into a Back-Room, which he had bespoke for the Purpose; and just as he was opening his Letter-Case upon the Table, the Count and Two Comrades threw a Cloth over his Head, and then cruelly stabb’d him with Daggers: The unhappy Man made such a Noise while they were in the Act of murdering him, that it brought some body up Stairs, but they had taken Care to fasten the Chamber-Door in the Inside, so that ’twas impossible to enter it, and the Count and his Accomplices made their Escape out of a Window, that look’d into a little Street on one Side of the Tavern, from whence, tho’ they were in the second Story, they got down very easily, by the Favour of some Beams, which were laid across the Street to support the Two Houses: The Count’s Comrades thought of nothing less than flying their Country, but there was only one of them that was so fortunate as to get into foreign Parts, the other was apprehended about the Fish-Market, and carry’d before a Commissary. The Count, on his Part, instead of endeavouring to make his Escape, went and complain’d to a Commissary, of an Attempt that had been made to assassinate him: His wild Stare and his bloody Hand and Ruffles made the Commissary suspect there was something more than ordinary in this Complaint, and he desir’d that he would carry him to the Place where he said that he ran such a Risque of his Life; which he scrupling to do, the Commissary sent for the Archers to carry him thither by Force. The Count, before he set out, desir’d Leave to step aside, to ease himself from the Impression, which he pretended the Danger had made upon him; but, as it came out afterwards, it was only to drop the Letter-Case, of which he had robb’d the Stockjobber, into the Privy: This done, he set out with the Commissary, and the Truth of the Fact was soon discover’d; for the Vintner having caus’d the Room to be broke open, the Sight of the Corpse and the bloody Daggers were so many Evidences of the Count’s Guilt, who was thereupon committed Prisoner to the Chatelet, try’d the following Week, and condemn’d, together with his Accomplice, to be broke alive upon the Wheel in the Place de Greve; which Sentence was executed accordingly on the Tuesday in the Holy Week. While he was yet a Prisoner, all the foreign Nobility at Paris labour’d hard to obtain his Pardon, or at least that he might only be beheaded; to the end that the Infamy of his Punishment on the Wheel might not be cast as a Reproach upon his Family: But the Duke Regent made no other Answer, than that the Count was as near akin to him as he was to them, but that ’twas the Crime, and not the Punishment, that brought a Stain upon Families: The Count de Horn made a truly Christian Exit; for the religious Principles, which he had once imbib’d from an Education suitable to his Birth, but which he had the Misfortune to stifle, reviv’d at this dreadful Crisis; and made him submit to dye with a Resignation which we seldom see in Persons that come to such a violent Death.

The Fall of the Bills was not the only Misfortune that France labour’d under; for it was visited at the same time by a Pestilence: I was one Day at the Duke Regent’s Levee, when he himself declar’d the melancholy News, that at Marseilles there was a Plague: This at first struck a sensible Damp upon People, but ’twas quickly forgot, and they abandon’d themselves more than ever to Pleasures, Feasting, Gallantry, &c. Gaming indeed was not carry’d to that Height as usual, because it could not be done without ready Money, the Bills having no Credit then, except what was forc’d; but as to Trade, it decay’d every Day more and more; and the Merchants, who had so long stiffly refus’d the Bank Bills, were nevertheless soon oblig’d to accept them, being sensible, that if they rejected them any longer, they should be under a Necessity, either to make no more Sales, or to sell upon Credit; which was an Alternative equally destructive of Trade, which is only to be supported by the Circulation of Species, or at least by something equivalent.

Humanity, and the Concern I had for the Fate of my Friends, made me a Sharer in the public Calamities; but for the rest, I pass’d my Time well enough: I went to an Estate of a Friend of mine near Orleans, where I spent about Six Weeks, and then return’d to Paris, where I stay’d no longer than just to make due Preparation for my Tour to Spain: I travell’d by the way of Lyons and Languedoc, purely for the Pleasure of seeing several of my Friends, who had Estates in those Places, and from Lyons I proceeded to Vienne in Dauphine: From thence I repass’d the Rhosne, and travelling thro’ the Vivarese, I went to an Estate near Nismes, that belong’d to a Friend of mine, with whom I stay’d a Month: At Nismes I went to take a View of the famous Amphitheatres, which are the precious Remains of the Roman Antiquities.

From Nismes I went to Montpelier, which in my Opinion is one of the most agreeable Cities in the World; and where, next to Paris, there’s the most good Company: The Situation of it is charming, it being not far from the Sea, and encompass’d with very fertile Fields, that form a very charming Prospect. The Houses are not well built, but are all very neat within, and well furnish’d: The Streets are so narrow, that ’tis difficult to pass them with an Equipage, so that Gentlemen commonly make Use of Sedans: The Out-parts of the Town are very pleasant, especially towards the Sea. In this Part is a great Square, in Form of a Terrace, surrounded with Trees, in the middle of which is a magnificent Equestrian Statue of Lewis XIV. on a great Pedestal of white Marble: The Connoisseurs say, ’tis a complete Piece in all its Parts.

After having spent some Days at Montpelier, I proceeded towards Toulouse: I went first thro’ Beziers, an Episcopal City, the Situation of which is so pleasant, that ’tis become a common Proverb, If God were to chuse his Residence upon Earth, he would certainly chuse Beziers. ’Tis even said, that the Inhabitants of the Country, the Gentry especially, have more Sense and Conduct than they have elsewhere: Yet, at different Courts, I have seen several Persons, Natives of this City, who were really so stupid, that the Notion I have of the Inhabitants of Beziers is the very contrary of what they would fain make me believe.

From Beziers I travell’d to Castelnaudari, in the Neighbourhood of which City was fought the Battle wherein the famous Constable Montmorency was taken in Arms against his King. Lewis XIII. having, at the Solicitation of Cardinal Richelieu, order’d his Head to be cut off, he receiv’d the Stroke of Death with a Constancy worthy of his Name, and of a better Cause.

From this City I went in a very little time to Toulouse, the Capital of Languedoc, and the Seat of a Parliament, which is the second in the Kingdom: The Cathedral, dedicated to St. Stephen, is a magnificent Pile of Building, in a large Square, adorn’d with a fine Fountain, in which rises an Obelisk, that is a complete Piece of Work: The Archbishop’s Palace, which joins to the Cathedral, is an entire new Building, wherein no Cost has been spar’d: As to the Houses of Toulouse, in common they are well enough built, but without any Ornament: The Streets are pretty broad, but very nasty; so that I inferr’d, the Civil Government here was not very strict: As to the People of Toulouse, I own to you, Madame, that I could like their Way of Living well enough: They have all a great Share of Wit, but the worst on’t is, they are conceited, which does them a Prejudice: But they are very civil, especially to Foreigners, whom they entertain perfectly well: I don’t think that I ever fed better, and liv’d more merrily than I did with these People, who are all of ’em good Jokers: The Accent of this Country too, especially of the Women, sets off whatever they say to such an Advantage, as seems to give a witty Turn to even the most common Thoughts: Little Songs or Ballads are, as it were, the Fruits of the Soil: Every one is a Sonneteer, and if their Verses are not equally good, yet they are all relish’d alike, they have such a happy way of setting them off.

To the Honour of the Languedocians be it spoken, there is not a Province in France, nor even in Europe, where ’tis pleasanter Travelling: The Roads are magnificent, the Inns well provided with every thing that a Traveller, were he hard to please, can desire; and all at a reasonable Price.

From Toulouse I travell’d to Pau, a City and Parliament of Bearn, famous for the Birth of Henry IV. on the 1st of December, Anno 1557, for which Reason Catherine de Medicis his Mother-in-Law, who did not love him, call’d him the Bearnois: In the Castle is still to be seen the Chamber where this Prince was born: This City consists but of one great Street, at the End whereof stands the Castle, which is very ancient. The Houses in general seem’d very inconsiderable, they being all low, small, and without Ornament; but the Suburbs are very pleasant: As one goes out of the Gate, towards the Pyrenees, there’s a very thick Wood, with several Alleys cut out in it, that form a noble Walk: From this Wood, which stands upon very high Ground to the Pyrenees, one sees an extensive Valley, in which runs a very fine River, on the Banks whereof are several scattering Villages and little Hamlets, that form one of the most agreeable Prospects.

In Travelling from Pau to Bayonne ’twas plain that we were got out of Languedoc, the Roads being terrible, and the Inns detestable, for which Reason I did not halt at all by the Way, but made Haste to Bayonne: The next Day after I arriv’d, I went to pay a Visit to the King’s Lieutenant, who commanded there: He was a Native of Canada, and, if I am not mistaken, had been a Major or Lieutenant-Colonel in the Regiment of Normandy: The Duke Regent had made him a Brigadier, and at the same time created him a Knight of St. Lewis, at that great Promotion of Knights which he made at the Beginning of the War with Spain: He had given him for his Assistant one Dadoncourt, as a Man that he could depend on; and ’twas this Gentleman that receiv’d me, the King’s Lieutenant being at that time absent from Bayonne: I lik’d this Dadoncourt at first Sight: He entertain’d me politely, and when I told him my Intention to go to Spain; he said, I might do as I pleas’d, and that he saw nothing to hinder it: He came next Day to see me, and invited me to dine with him: I accepted his Kindness, but afterwards repented it; for the Company was far from being select, and the Conversation very much disgusted me: In my first Interview with Dadoncourt I made Mention to him of a Visit that I had paid to the Count de S—— in Languedoc: He talk’d of this to me very much while we were at Dinner, and he declar’d his Astonishment, that the Duke Regent had restor’d him to his Liberty, instead of cutting off his Head, as he had deserv’d: Really, said he, with some Warmth of Temper, to which I fancy the Wine had in some measure contributed, His Royal Highness was too good-natur’d; all those Rascals, that presum’d to have a Hand in the Prince of Cellamare’s Affair, ought to have paid for it with their Heads: I could not help being amaz’d at the Man’s Pertness, and told him very mildly, that the Regent had behav’d most wisely, and that it would have been too cruel to put People of the first Quality to Death, the Spilling of whose Blood would perhaps have rous’d some Vengeance: Alas! Sir, said he, What could have been done? The Duke of Orleans was sure of the Guards and Garisons; every body in the Country would certainly have stood up in his Defence, and I myself would have been the Hangman to have tuck’d up the first Gentleman that had offer’d to make a Disturbance: I plainly saw that I had to do with a surly Companion; and perceiving also that he was fuddled, I let him run on as much as he would, in magnifying the Attachment he pretended he had to the Duke Regent; but made a Promise to myself, that it should be the last time I would visit a Man that was so bloody-minded.

After Dinner was over, I went to have Audience of the Queen of Spain, Mary-Anne of Neubourg, the Dowager of Charles II. When I came to the Palace, or rather to a very pitiful House, where the Queen was lodg’d, I found one of her Equerries, who carry’d me to an Antichamber, and leaving me for a few Moments, he came again, and conducted me to the Apartment of the Duchess of Liquares, Lady of Honour to the Queen; who was prodigiously civil to me, but, as she understood no Language besides the Spanish, it was impossible for us to converse, otherwise than by Signs, of which she gave me a good Number, and which I answer’d by as many Bows. As good Luck would have it, we were disengag’d from one another by an Order that came to her, to carry me to the Queen: I found her Majesty standing all alone in her Chamber, and dress’d in Black after the Spanish Mode: I saw in the next Chamber some of the Maids of Honour, who were also in the Spanish Dress, and peep’d in at the Door, which was left half open: The Queen receiv’d me very graciously, ask’d my Name and my Country, and seem’d overjoy’d to find a German, who was tolerably acquainted with a Country for which she had always an Affection: She inquir’d what News I brought of the Elector and the Princes her Brothers: I was qualify’d to satisfy her Majesty in all those Questions, because I had the Honour of paying my Court punctually to the Elector Palatine, and the Princes her Brothers: In fine, after an Audience of an Hour and more, the Queen dismiss’d me, when I stoop’d with one Knee to the Ground, and kiss’d her Hand, according to the Custom that is observ’d in Spain.

The next and the following Days I had the Honour to pay my Duty to her; sometimes in the Capuchins Convent, where she heard Mass very often; and sometimes in that of the Cordeliers, to which her Majesty went almost every Afternoon to Prayers: At other times I repair’d to a Garden behind the House, where her Majesty frequently took a Walk after she had din’d. This Princess always express’d herself in such a kind familiar manner as charm’d me, and she was often glad to be disencumber’d from that Ceremony, which is no less fatiguing to the Princes who grant Audience, than to those who are admitted to it: She did me the Honour to ask me one Day, Whether I did not wonder to see her in such mean Lodgings, and with such a despicable Court? I own’d to her, that at first I was a little surpriz’d at her Majesty’s preferring such a Mansion to the old Castle in the Town, which really look’d more like a Palace than the House she liv’d in: But, said she, I am so us’d to my little Habitation, that I can’t find in my Heart to leave it: I retir’d to it during the Contention between the Houses of Austria and Bourbon, that I might not be so much exposed to Company, as I must have been unavoidably, if I had resided in the Castle, where every Passenger, either from Spain or France, would no doubt have been desirous of seeing me; all which Visits would infallibly have given Umbrage to one or other of the Two Parties, if not to Both; and I had good Reasons to keep fair with each.

Another Day, when I had the Honour to discourse with her about Spain and Germany, I took the Freedom to tell her, that I wonder’d why her Majesty chose rather to stay at Bayonne, than to live in one or other of those Countries where I fancy’d she would have more Authority, and more People of Quality to attend her. As for your Persons of Quality, said the Queen, I do not give myself much Trouble about them: All Men are alike to crown’d Heads, and are great no farther than as we bring them to our Courts, and honour them with our Confidence. A Man that you now call a Scrub, perhaps, if I were to give him a Post To-morrow, and admit him to my Service, he is to me as great a Lord as if his Ancestors had liv’d and dy’d in the same Employment. And as for residing in Spain or in Germany, I have weighty Reasons against dwelling in either. For in Spain I should be oblig’d to live in a Convent, which is my utter Aversion. In Germany I should, indeed, have all my Family about me; but the Court of Spain would, perhaps, be uneasy at my living in the Empire, and I should be teiz’d in respect to my Dowry, which I am very willing to preserve.

All these Reasons, and what was more than all, a long Acquaintance, made her loth to quit Bayonne; and that Retirement she enjoy’d there, was more agreeable to her Taste, than the Bustle of a numerous Court, where very often the Prince and the Courtier tread on one another’s Toes. The Air of Freedom which reign’d at this little Court, and the Queen’s Goodness in conversing with me so often, was the reason that I put off my Journey to Spain from one Day to another. At last, however, after various Delays, I prepar’d in good earnest for my Departure. But at the very Time when I thought I had nothing more to do than to take my Leave of her Majesty, a very disgraceful Incident happen’d to me, which put me as much out of Conceit with Bayonne as I was before in Love with it. By some imprudent Jokes that I had thrown out in Conversation, I had incurr’d the Displeasure of the King’s Lieutenant, who made use of a specious Pretext in order to be reveng’d of me. I will tell you my Tale in a few Words as follows:

There was a Woman at the Queen’s Court, who, by her Frankness, in which there was a Mixture of Impertinence, made her Court to the Queen with so much Art, that her Majesty was kinder to her than any Services she was capable of performing could deserve at her Hands. This Woman’s Name was la Borde: She was a Merchant’s Widow, but married afterwards clandestinely to the Queen’s Major-Domo, and had the intire Government of her Majesty’s House, where she did not fail to give her daily Attendance.

The Queen having permitted this Woman to sit in her Presence, it made her so vain, that she forgot her mean Original, and affected the Air of a Princess; but so ill did it become her, that she was quickly hated for it, not only by the Queen’s Officers, but by the whole City of Bayonne. The only Person who was attach’d to her, was the King’s Lieutenant; and that, for no other Reason, but because this Officer being in a poor Plight when he came first to Bayonne, and having moreover little to depend on, was oblig’d to solicit the Queen for some Gratifications, in which Madame la Borde had employ’d her Interest to serve him: And serve him she did without much Difficulty, because the Queen is so good-natur’d and generous, that she is never better pleas’d than when she is bestowing Favours. The Grotesque Figure of the King’s Lieutenant, and the queer Dress of the Lady la Borde, were an inexhaustible Fund of Mirth for the Queen’s Houshold. In short, ’twas impossible for a Person of the most serious Gravity, not to laugh on the one hand at the old shock Pate of the Lieutenant, who was vulgarly call’d The Eternal Father, and on the other hand to see Dame la Borde, who was commonly wrapp’d up in Three or Four Night-Gowns of different Colours one over another, and one shorter than the other, whose favourite Head-Geer was Cornets fix’d on, with a careless Air, by Scarlet Ribbons, and who had a monstrous Nosegay of Flowers ty’d to one Side of her, with a Straw-colour’d Ribbon, and the Picture of some unknown Saint fasten’d also to the other, by a Ribbon of the same Colour: And to all these Gowns, a little Lackey, every whit as ridiculous as the Mistress, was the Train-Bearer. I profess to you, Madame, that I could not contain myself at the Sight of such ridiculous Figures; and therefore, being once with some Company at Supper, when I was in a gay Humour, I let fall some very severe Banters upon this charming Couple; of which the King’s Lieutenant being inform’d, vow’d Revenge; and I was advertis’d by a German Cordelier, who was the Queen’s Confessor, that there was a Design to apprehend me. But not being conscious of any Crime I had committed to deserve it, I thought, at first, ’twas only given out to terrify me. Nevertheless, I went to Dadoncourt, and, without mentioning any Name, acquainted him of the Warning that had been given to me. He swore by his Honour, and call’d to God to witness it, that he never had a Thought of arresting me; and that I was free to go when and where I pleas’d. Upon this I went back to my Quarters, almost persuaded that I had been falsly alarm’d; but no sooner was I in my Chamber, but the Major of the Place enter’d, with a subaltern Officer and a couple of Soldiers, with their Bayonets at the End of their Musquets. He told me, that he was come in the King’s Name to arrest me, and that he had Orders to commit me to the Citadel, together with my Valet de Chambre. He also demanded all my Papers, and the Keys of my Coffers; and whatever he ask’d for I gave him. He left my Cloaths, &c. to the Care of my Landlord, charging him to be answerable for them; and then carry’d me to the Citadel, where I was put into one Room, and my Valet de Chambre into another; and a Centinel was clapp’d at my Door, who was order’d to let no Person whatsoever come to speak to me. Towards the Evening, when they brought me Supper, I desir’d Pen, Ink, and Paper, which was presently granted, and I wrote to the King’s Lieutenant, to be inform’d of the Reason why he had put me under an Arrest, and at the same Time to know whether I might be permitted to write into France to the Duke Regent and my Friends. He sent me Answer next Day, that the only Cause of my being a Prisoner was, that I had discover’d too much Friendship to the Count de S——: That I ought to remember what I said of the Count before his Face, in Presence of Witnesses, which had given him a Suspicion that I was but too deeply concern’d in the Conspiracy he had fomented against the Regent: That in Consequence, especially as he had not the Honour to know me, he should have thought it a Failure of his Duty, if he had not secur’d my Person: That, for the rest, he would write to Court, and that, if it appear’d I was not guilty of any thing, I should soon be set at Liberty. He concluded his Letter with Assurances of his Friendship, and a Protestation that he would do what he could to serve me.

Since I knew not what I could do better, as my Circumstances then were, I was glad to depend upon the good Offices which the King’s Lieutenant proffer’d to do me; and in order to compose myself a little, I lay a Bed as long as ever ’twas possible; for the only Remedy that could render my Imprisonment tolerable was Sleep: But when I awak’d, a thousand different Thoughts rack’d my Brain: Projects brooded over Projects, and I imagin’d Schemes without Number for Deliverance out of my Scrape; but they were no other than so many Castles in the Air, which instantly vanish’d as soon as I came to serious Reflection.

Having pass’d my Time thus for several Days, I receiv’d a Visit, which at first did not please me. Who should enter my Room, but an Officer, a Serjeant, and Four Soldiers, with their Bayonets in their Musquets. The Officer told me I must go with him to the Major of the Citadel, who was appointed to examine me. Being in a Situation wherein ’twas my wisest way to be tractable, I follow’d the Officer. When we came before the Major, we found him sitting in an Elbow-Chair: He was wonderful civil to me, and desir’d me to excuse him for not rising up to receive me, because he was so afflicted with the Gout that he could not stir. Then he pray’d me to sit down, and ask’d me who and what I was, whence and whither I was bound, and the like: To all those Questions I return’d very Laconic Answers, which, together with the Questions, were reduc’d to Writing, and I was made to sign them; and then I was carry’d back to my Chamber.

Two Days after this my Valet de Chambre was set at Liberty, and had Leave to attend me. I was also permitted to receive a Visit from one Father Thomas, a German Capuchin. These two Favours, granted both at once, pleas’d me mightily; and I entertain’d great Hopes that my own Liberty was approaching: So that every time I heard the Rattle of the Keys, I imagin’d my Keeper was coming to tell me that I was no longer his Prisoner. I flatter’d myself that the Duke Regent would give Orders for my Discharge, and therefore was impatient to hear from him: But when I heard, the Message was very different from what I expected: For Dadoncourt sent me a Note, acquainting me, that he had receiv’d Orders from Court to confine me more closely. He not only executed his Orders, but I really believe he exceeded them; for, not content with depriving me a second Time of my Valet de Chambre, and forbidding Father Thomas to come near me, ’twas no Thanks to him that I had not been starv’d to Death with Hunger and Cold. He was afraid that my bare Imprisonment was not Punishment enough, and therefore he treated me with all the Severity that could be. My Commons were retrench’d one half; and as to Firing, it was intirely suppress’d, for fear I should set Fire to the Citadel. I therefore wrote to him, and made an Offer to purchase it at my own Expence, if he would give me Leave: But he made me Answer, that a Prussian could not be so chilly as to be sensible of the Cold in Guyenne; and he was so impertinent as to add, that if I was really cold, he would have me keep my Bed. Nor was this all: Money was so scarce with me, that I was resolv’d to discount the Bank Bills I had left, which were almost sunk to nothing. But Dadoncourt no sooner heard of it, than he sent the Banker an Order not to discount them, for fear, perhaps, that I should make use of the Money to corrupt my Keepers. Moreover, he abus’d his Authority to such a Degree, that he caus’d my Cloaths &c. to be sold, to pay for what I had run up at my Quarters while I stay’d at Bayonne. I would fain have prevented this Sale, but ’twas to no Purpose, for I could not get Leave so much as to send a Friend thither to take Care that every thing was done with tolerable Decency; so that Dadoncourt’s Valet de Chambre bought the whole for one Eighth Part of the Value; and I could never get a just Account what the Profit of the Sale amounted to. ’Tis true, that when I was restor’d to my Liberty, they did not demand any Money of me.

So many Injuries offer’d to me, one upon the Neck of another, exasperated me not a little. I wrote several Letters not only to the Duke of Orleans, but M. le Blanc, Secretary of War, and sent them to the Post-House at Acqs by a Soldier, who undertook to deliver them for some Money, which I handed to him, together with my Letters, thro’ a Chink of my Door: But it all signify’d nothing. I likewise wrote a Letter to the Queen of Spain, but that Princess, who then deem’d me a State Criminal, did not care to be concern’d for me: Which Denial of her’s completed my Despair, and I took it so much to Heart, that I fell sick, but they would not allow me a Physician.

At this very Time the Baron de Montbel came to Bayonne, and hearing that I was a Prisoner in the Citadel, he desir’d to see me. This Baron, who was by Birth a Frenchman, went to Berlin at the Time of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes: He had an Employment given him at that Court, and had been a Captain in the Regiment which was my late Father’s. He was going at this Time to Spain. Dadoncourt refus’d point-blank to let him come and see me. Then the Baron desir’d Leave to send me his Compliments by my Valet de Chambre, which Dadoncourt granted, but ’twas only to affront me the more grosly; for my Valet de Chambre was no sooner enter’d into the Citadel, but he was search’d, in order to know if he had not Letters for me; and none being found upon him, Dadoncourt said he was sure that the Baron had given him Letters to deliver to me, and that he must and should produce them. My Man still denying that he had receiv’d any Letter, was thrown into a Dungeon, where he was threatened he should lie till he rotted, if he did not confess that Letters had been given or offer’d to him for me.

This, Madame, was my melancholy Situation at Bayonne, having been arrested on sham Pretences, pining with Hunger and Cold, depriv’d of all Help, abandon’d by a Princess on whose Protection I had great Dependance, and having nothing to comfort me: I had a good Conscience indeed, which did not reproach me with any thing laid to my Charge; but this is a weak Support, when a Man is to cope with such Enemies as make no more to destroy the Innocent than the Guilty! A Persecution so unjust plung’d me sometimes into Melancholy, and at other times made me raving mad; so that when I came to myself, I was afraid I should lose all my Reason. At last this Disturbance of my Mind, all these Passions subsided happily in a Philosophical Calm, which restor’d me to myself. When I was composed, I reason’d justly enough: I consider’d, that to fret and vex myself to Death, would be the greatest Folly I could be guilty of; and that there was no other Remedy but Time and Patience: I resolv’d therefore to acquiesce like a true Philosopher; and I said to myself, that I had nothing more to do but to be as easy as I could in the Citadel, till Lewis XV. was declar’d of Age.

I had just begun to be reconcil’d to my Chamber and to Silence, when News was brought me of my Liberty: ’Twas on the 31st of January that Dadoncourt’s Valet de Chambre came and told me, that his Master had received Orders from Court to let me out of the Citadel; but that, as it was late, he desir’d me to stay there that Night, and that next Day I might go where I pleas’d: I consented to lye one Night more in the Citadel; but next Day Dadoncourt, without Regard to the Assurance he had sent me that I should have my full Liberty, and, by Consequence, either stay or set out that Instant, as I pleas’d; sent to ask me what time I intended to go for Spain; adding, that he had received Orders to send me thither, and not to suffer me to stay any longer in Bayonne: I return’d him a short Answer, but said enough to him to give him to understand, that I was not in a Condition to set out, because, as my whole Substance consisted in Bank Bills, which were at that time worth little or nothing, I was under a Necessity of staying till I had discounted them, and that in the mean time I was content to remain in the Citadel, till I could raise Money, unless he himself would be so kind as to assist me: I added, that if I must not discount my Bills, I desir’d Leave at least to go to Holland, where I should find Relations or Friends who would serve me: Dadoncourt return’d me an Answer with all the Sauciness and Impertinence of a Man of his Kidney: He sent to tell me, that he was neither a Money-Changer, nor a Banker, to discount my Bills; that I could not stay in the Citadel, because he had Orders to turn me out of it; and lastly, that he would not suffer me to go to Holland, because he was by the same Order injoin’d to send me to Spain: I thought this a blunt Sort of an Answer; for, in short, as he knew who I was, he might, and even ought, to have us’d me more politely; and even supposing that his Orders were as urgent as he pretended, yet a Gentleman would have known better than to notify them in that manner: I therefore saw myself under a Necessity of travelling to Spain, with nothing but my Staff to support me; which would certainly have been the Case, had it not been for Father Thomas, who helped me to 40 Pistoles, upon Two thousand Livres worth of Bank Bills; which Money I made use of to bear my Travelling-Expences: The Luggage I had to carry was not very cumbersome; for I have had the Honour to acquaint you, that Dadoncourt had taken Care of that by selling off what I had. My Journey to Spain being reckon’d an Affair of the utmost Importance, I had a Guard put upon me to conduct me to the Frontiers, where they were so civil, as to shew me the Orders from Court, which were executed with the utmost Strictness: They were contain’d in a Letter directed to Dadoncourt from M. le Blanc the Secretary at War, in Substance as follows: His Royal Highness is willing, Sir, that you should release the Baron de Pollnitz, who is a Prisoner in the Citadel of Bayonne, on Condition that he depart the Kingdom; and for this Reason I desire you to cause him to be conducted to the Frontier of Spain.

My Guard took Leave of me on the Frontiers and I continued my Journey to Pampeluna: By the Way I saw the famous Pyrenean Mountains, the Passage of which is very different from that of the Alps, there being not an Inn to be met with but what looks much more like a Den of Thieves: The Inhabitants of these Mountains have something mischievous in their very Physiognomy, which makes Travellers afraid of ’em. I was forc’d to spend one Night with my Valet de Chambre in a Cabaret, where there being a Score of these Fellows, we resolv’d to sit up all Night without going to Bed; and I fancy, that in so doing, we acted very wisely, for those Mountaineers look’d like a Parcel of Cut-throats: I set out as early as possible in the Morning from this horrible Place for Pampeluna, where I arriv’d towards the Evening: I alighted at an Inn, which was recommended to me as the best in Town, but I found it every whit as bad as those that I had met with in my Passage from Bayonne: The Bread, the Wine, their Meat, Bedding and every thing was detestably bad: However, as I thought I had a better Chance for my Life there, than in the Houses of Entertainment among the Mountains; I made myself amends for sitting up all the last Night, and slept soundly till next Day.

I went and paid a Visit to the Prince of Castillone Viceroy of Navarre, who was prodigiously civil to me: I let him into the true State of my Affairs, and what I had suffer’d from the King’s Lieutenant at Bayonne: This Nobleman seem’d to be concern’d at my present Condition, and was so kind as to make me an Offer of whatever I wanted; but as to the Treatment I had met with from the King’s Lieutenant, it surpriz’d him not at all: He told me too, that I was not the first Man who had been so treated, and that he could not imagine how it happen’d, that the Regent was not informed of all the Acts of Injustice committed at Bayonne: He advis’d me to write to his Royal Highness, and to give him an exact Account of all my Treatment: If this, said he, does not procure you some Amends, I am certain, at least, that ’twill get him a Reprimand: I did as M. de Castillone advis’d me; I wrote both to the Regent and to M. le Blanc, but ’twas all to no Purpose; for my Enemies had made such a Devil of me to the Prince and the Minister, that not content with returning me no Answer, they wrote to M. de M——, who had the Care of the French Affairs at Madrid, to thwart me in every thing he could: And he, for his Part, punctually observ’d his Instructions, not so much in pure Obedience to his Prince, as for the Pleasure he took in doing me Mischief.

M. de Castillone was so good-natur’d as to shew me what was most remarkable at Pampeluna: We took a Walk together without the Town, the Situation of which I thought very fine: ’Tis encompass’d with Walls, and fortify’d with Bastions and Half-Moons: Yet all this Fortification would be of little Defence, were it not for the Citadel, which was repair’d, and considerably augmented, during the Ministry of the Cardinal Alberoni.

All the Road from Pampeluna to Madrid is quite disagreeable, there being nothing to be seen but rusty Fields, here and there a ragged Village; and what was still more vexatious, Houses of Entertainment, where there was scarce any thing to be had: But ’tis much worse when we leave Navarre, and enter Castile, there being nothing at all to be had in their Public-Houses: You are accommodated with a Chamber indeed, and that’s all; for if you want to eat any thing, you must send out your Domestics to buy it, and dress it yourselves: But, however, the Necessaries of Life may be easily had any where, and at a moderate Price: I travell’d thro’ the whole Country without meeting with any Disaster, which is not a little astonishing, Murders and Robberies being very common in Spain.

I arriv’d on a Sunday-Night at Alcala, a City in New-Castile, famous for its University: This City is oblig’d for its Magnificence to the Cardinal Ximenes, who, being Prime Minister under Ferdinand of Arragon, and Isabel of Castile, spar’d no Cost to render this City one of the most beautiful in Spain: The first thing that he did was to build very fine Colleges; and when he became Regent of Spain, after the Death of Ferdinand, he founded an University here.

’Tis but Seven Leagues from Alcala to Madrid, but this Capital is not to be seen till one comes just upon it, because it stands in a Bottom on the River Mancanares: The Entrance into Madrid has a feint Resemblance for a little way, with the Entrance into Rome, thro’ the Gate del Popoli: Three Streets, in the Shape of a Goose’s Foot, lead to the Centre of the City: I went into that on the Right Hand, which carry’d me to the Square of St. Domingo, where was a French Inn, to which I had been recommended: When I alighted out of my Chaise, I was heartily embrac’d by a Man whom I had formerly seen in the Service of King Stanislaus of Poland, and afterwards at Paris, but he was oblig’d to fly from that City, for Fear of falling into the Hands of Justice.

This Man was accus’d of being One in Three who had robb’d and murder’d an Abbe: Tho’ he was run away, the Trial took its Course, and he was condemn’d in Outlawry to be broke alive on the Wheel, which Sentence was executed accordingly in Effigie: After several Tours he came at last to Madrid, where all that come from France are receiv’d with open Arms: He had chang’d his Name of Le G—— for that of the Baron D——. I recollected him perfectly the very Moment that he embraced me, but his Affair in France was still so fresh in my Memory, that I did not think fit to make a very affectionate Return for the Civilities of this new Baron, but ask’d a great many Pardons that I could not call him to Mind: The Man seem’d still very eager to be known to me, and said, Pray, are not you the Baron de Pollnitz? Don’t you remember to have seen me at Berlin, then at Hanover, &c. I still pretended Ignorance; but my Gentleman proceeded to rub up my Memory, and talk’d a great deal to me of his Journey to Paris, and mention’d several Circumstances: Being at last fatigued with all this long Detail, I thought it would oblige him to give him some Glimpse that I knew him; and therefore mention’d the Names of several People that we had been with together, to make him believe that I was in Quest of his; and at length seeing him overjoy’d to think that I was like to find out his Name by beating the Bush, I chose to give him that Satisfaction, and said to him, tho’ with an Air of great Uncertainty, Pray, Sir, Was not your NameLe G——? At the very Mention of this Name my Friend chang’d Countenance, turn’d from red to pale, and retir’d at last without giving me an Answer, or, at least, ’twas with such a low Voice, that I could not understand a Syllable of what he said. For my own Part, I thought of nothing but calling to my Landlord for a Room; and after I had rested myself a little, I went down at Night to sup at my Landlord’s Table, where some of the Company happen’d to be the very same Officers that had seen me talking with Le G——. They ask’d me, if I was acquainted with the Gentleman that accosted me, and what was his Name: I made no Scruple to satisfy them, and not knowing that he had alter’d his Name upon his leaving France, I said, without thinking any Harm, that ’twas Le G——, I had no sooner pronounc’d his Name, but one of the Company cry’d out, Ah! Morblieu! the very Man that assassinated the Abbe V. How durst such a Villain come hither to sollicit an Employment! I plainly saw that I had committed an Oversight, in discovering a Name to those Strangers, which had put the Person who bore it so much out of Countenance; but I thought at the same time, that Le G—— had been guilty of a much greater, in putting me under that Necessity: I endeavour’d to set all to Rights again, by saying, that perhaps I was mistaken, and that the Baron D—— was not Le G——: but they would not admit of it; they all exaggerated the Baseness of the Murder that had forc’d him to fly from France; and, in short, the Story was so toss’d about in an Instant, that the pretended Baron was oblig’d to leave Madrid: I have been told since, that he retir’d to Portugal, where Fortune has been pretty Favourable to him.

I had not been long at Madrid before I met with several of my Acquaintance: The very Day after my Arrival I receiv’d Visits from above a Score of Officers, French and Germans, whom I had seen at several Courts: At my Quarters I also found the Baron de Montbel, who had taken so much fruitless Pains to inquire after my Health when I was a Prisoner in the Citadel of Bayonne: To be short, in a very little time, I found as many, and even more Acquaintance than I wanted, especially at my first coming to Madrid, where I did not aim at keeping any Company more than was necessary to my obtaining an Employment: I thought immediately how I should be introduc’d to the King and Queen: The Person who procur’d me Audience from his Majesty was one la Roche, a Frenchman by Birth, who was the King’s chief Valet de Chambre, Secretary of his Dispatches, and likewise Introducer of Ambassadors.

’Twas in a private Audience that I had the Honour of waiting on his Majesty: This is different from a public Audience, in that the latter, which is generally for common People, is granted with the Doors open, and in Presence of the Grandees, who are standing on both Sides of the Hall, and cover’d: The King is then seated in a Chair of State, plac’d under a Canopy: From the Entrance of the Audience Room to the King’s Chair Three Genuflections are made; and when the Persons, who are honour’d with the Audience, are advanc’d near his Majesty’s Person, they deliver what they have to say upon their Knees: Philip V. never makes any other Answer, than I will see, I will consider it. After such Audience is ended, the Person who officiates as Master of the Ceremonies gives Notice with an audible Voice, when there is to be a private Audience. The Grandees then retire, and the Doors are shut, and I had my Audience in the manner following: I found the King alone in his Chamber, made my Three Obeisances to him, and when I came near to him fell on my Knees: I then said to him, that having heard his Majesty’s Piety and his Zeal for the Catholic Religion highly extoll’d in all Places where-ever I had been; I thought I could not do better than to come and prostrate myself at his Feet, and to offer him my most humble Service; that I had incurr’d the Displeasure of my Sovereign, and lost all Expectation of ever being able to serve with Satisfaction in my own Country, because I had embrac’d the Romish Religion, whereof I shew’d his Majesty a Testimonial, sign’d by the Cardinal de Noailles: I also shew’d him a Letter from the King of Prussia, with the Grant of the first Pension annex’d to the Office of Gentleman of the Bedchamber, which I had still no doubt enjoy’d, had I not alter’d my Religion: The King took the King of Prussia’s Letter, and the Testimonial of the Cardinal de Noailles, look’d upon both of them, and return’d them to me, saying, I will consider your Request, and will soon dispatch you: I then presented a Memorial to him, which he put in his Pocket, after which I arose, and went backwards out of the Chamber, repeating my Three Obeisances.

From the King’s Audience I went to that of the Queen, to which I was introduc’d by her chief Major-Domo: This Princess was dress’d in the Amazons Habit, because she was going a Hunting with the King; her first Lady of Honour and some of the Ladies of the Bedchamber were present: I also saw in the Door-way between the Chamber of Audience and the Queen’s own Chamber the Prince of Asturias, who dy’d King of Spain in 1724, the Infantes his Brothers, and the Infanta Maria-Anna Victoria. I deliver’d myself to the Queen in very near the same Words as I had just before to the King, and she return’d me a gracious Answer, that She should be always glad to serve me as far as lay in her Power: I withdrew, hugely delighted with so obliging an Answer.

This, Madame, was my first setting out at the Court of Spain: It was natural, in the first Place, to look after the Main-Chance; for, as I have had the Honour to acquaint you, I had but little Cash; and what was worse Luck than all, no Effects, from which I could hope to raise any, so that if I had thrown myself ever so little into Company, I should have run the Risque of being soon a Beggar: The obliging manner in which the King and Queen had been pleas’d to receive me, was a reviving Cordial to my drooping Spirits: I began to entertain fresh Hopes, and thinking myself already in some Share of Favour, I went abroad among my Acquaintance, I found old Friends, and made new ones, and I had good Success at Play, which I thought a happy Omen, and enabled me to frequent the Court with that Ease and Freedom, which Persons seldom discover whose Finances are out of Order.

I am now to give you a short Account of the Court, and of those who made the greatest Figure at it; I need not treat of the King, all Mankind knows, and the late Wars sufficiently prov’d, that Lewis, Dauphin of France, Son to Lewis XIV. was his Father: He marry’d to his first Wife Maria-Louisa Galeriela of Savoy, who dy’d at Madrid the 14th of February, 1714, and whose Memory is still dear to the Spaniards; they greatly miss the Savoyard, as they call this Princess; The King of Spain had several Children by her; the Eldest was Don Lewis, Prince of Asturias, afterwards King of Spain, by the Resignation of the King his Father in 1724, but this young Prince dy’d the same Year: The Name of the second was Don Philip, who was born at Madrid in 1712, and dy’d in 1721; and the third Don Ferdinand, now Prince of Asturias.

After the Death of that Princess the King marry’d Elizabeth Farnese, Niece and Daughter-in-Law to the Duke of Parma: By this Princess the King has also had several Princes and Princesses: The Eldest Prince is Don Carlos, and was destin’d by the Quadruple Alliance to the Succession of Tuscany and the Duchies of Parma and Placentia: The second is Don Philip, who was born the 15th of March, 1720.

The Queen is tall and handsome, well-shap’d, but slender, and much pitted with the Small-Pox. She has a vast and enterprizing Genius, which no Difficulties can terrify. She made it very plain as soon as she set her Foot on Spanish Ground, that she would not suffer herself to be led by the Nose: For before she had even seen the Face of the King, she banish’d the Princess of Ursins, both from the Court and Kingdom, because of the Ascendant she knew that Princess had over the King. She thought also of removing the French from about him, and endeavour’d to put his Majesty out of Conceit with his own Countrymen. The Spaniards were at first well enough pleas’d with all these Alterations, and hop’d that at length one of their own Nation would be singled out for Prime Minister; but they had the Mortification to see themselves govern’d by a Foreigner. The Abbot (afterwards Cardinal) Alberoni, by Birth a Parmesan, was advanc’d to the chief Dignities both in Church and State, and govern’d Spain with such seeming Success, as made the Subjects entertain great Hopes of him. He gave the Queen a Glimpse of mighty Fortune that was to befal her Son: But a more refin’d Set of Politics knock’d all those vain Projects on the Head; and the Queen was so prejudic’d against him, that she was the first who persuaded the King to remove the Cardinal; which happen’d in the Manner that I have already had the Honour to acquaint you. The Credit of the Queen herself, however, suffer’d some Shock by this Alteration; for the King was for a while undetermin’d what Measures to take, but at length he replac’d all his Confidence in the Queen, and ’tis she that still governs, tho’, indeed, she is supported by Ministers who have great Talents for Government.

The Person who had the Charge of Foreign Affairs when I arriv’d at Madrid, was the Marquis Grimaldo, who had the Reputation of a Man of the strictest Honour and Probity. I had the Favour to see him more than once, and he always receiv’d me with very great Civility. I have been told, that he thorowly knows the King’s good Pleasure with regard to such private Men as make their Court to him; and that when he tells a Person the King has a Respect for him, he need not despair of carrying any Point. Nevertheless, I question whether such a Compliment could be safely depended on; for, I observ’d, he paid it to a great many People: And, as for my own Part, M. Grimaldo said to me, that the King was so gracious as to esteem me, before I had even the Honour of paying my Duty to his Majesty.

M. de Campo Florido had the Management of the Finances. He was a very polite disinterested Minister; and ’tis certain that he made none of those Purchases which are always the Consequence of a splendid Fortune. But notwithstanding his being so disinterested, this Minister had the same Fate as all that have the Management of the Finances, not to be belov’d: And tho’ when he first came to the Direction of the Finances, he found them in a very bad State, no Allowance was made him upon that Score, but an Account was demanded from him of the Wealth which others had squander’d.

M. de Castelar was Secretary at War, and had been just preferr’d to that Employment as I arriv’d at Madrid. He is the civillest Minister I ever knew: And tho’ he had such a Weight of Affairs upon him, he had an easy Air, which was a Pleasure to all that had any Business with him. He had another Quality, not very common to Gentlemen in the Ministry, which was to keep no body in Suspence; for People very soon knew what they had to trust to: And whether ’twas a Grant or a Refusal, they were equally satisfy’d with the Minister, who gave with Pleasure, and never refus’d a Request but when ’twas not in his Power to grant it.

These, Madame, were the Ministers then employ’d in the several Offices. At that time there was no Prime Minister in Spain; for, after Cardinal Alberoni’s Disgrace, the King manag’d Affairs himself, or rather the Queen govern’d as the real Sovereign. But as great as her Sway was, she had much ado to get the better of the King’s Confessor, who had a great Share in all Affairs. This was the famous Father Daubanton, a Jesuit, who had an Ascendant over the King to such a Degree, that nothing of Moment was transacted without his Opinion. He was therefore, in Reality, the Prime Minister of Spain; at least he only wanted the Title, for he perform’d the Functions of such a one, but without the Wit, the Finesse, and the Policy of the disgrac’d Minister; for he was severe, merciless, and so hard-hearted, that when he saw Officers reduc’d to the last Extremity for want of their Pay, it gave him no Disturbance. To him I apply’d, as every body else did, to beg the Honour of his Protection; and when I came near him, I found him a haughty proud Man, and one that was extremely rigid. ’Tis true, that when he had to do with Persons from whom he expected any Services, all this Stateliness was laid aside; he was then quite another Man: And was so perfect a Matter of the Art of dissembling, that Civility, Good-nature, and Humility seem’d painted so strongly in his Features, as would induce one to think nothing could be more sincere, and that this external Appearance was the pure Expression of his secret Thoughts. The Roman Purple was, they say, the Centre of all his Views; and, being wholly ambitious of this Dignity, he thought every Measure equally right that had a Tendency to a red Hat. Cardinal Alberoni wheedled him with the Hopes of it one while, just to get some Services of him that he then stood in need of. The Regent of France also gave him a Prospect of it, as a Reward that he might infallibly depend on, if he could prevail on his Catholic Majesty to sign the Treaty of the Quadruple Alliance. This Jesuit set heartily about it, and succeeded; but the Hat, so much aspir’d after, was given to another; and all the Thanks that the Reverend Father had for his Pains, was an Abbey for one pf his Nephews. Something offer’d before I left Spain, which will give me occasion to speak to you of this Cardinal again.

Cardinal Borgia was also in very high Favour, but a wrong Person to apply to for Services; which indeed was owing to his Indolence more than any other Reason; for, as to a friendly Temper, I do not think there ever was a Man who possess’d that Virtue in a more eminent Degree. He was withal very devout, but was reckon’d so unlearned, that I have been assur’d he did not know a word of Latin; and upon this Head I heard the following Story, which I do not retail to you for Gospel. I was told, that when the Duke of St. Aignan, the Ambassador of France, was preparing to make this Cardinal a Visit, he was appris’d that his Eminency did not understand French. The Ambassador thought it would do every whit as well if he convers’d with him in Latin, and therefore he greeted him in that Language; but he found, to his great Surprize, that the Prelate made Answer to him in Spanish, that he did not understand the French Tongue; and somebody, who was present at the Audience, telling the Cardinal, that the Ambassador spoke to him not in French but in Latin, the Cardinal said, Aye, but I do not understand Latin-French: So that there was a Necessity of carrying on the Conversation by an Interpreter.

Tho’ the Characters of the Ministers and Favourites were so different, there was a Necessity of my conforming to them all, in Hopes that the Steps I had taken would not be in vain. I took great Care therefore to see them all, to desire them to speak in my Favour. Whether they did so, I know not; nor whether the little Ray of Fortune which began to shine upon me, but soon vanish’d, was the Effect of their Recommendations, or to an Impression I had made upon the King’s Heart, by the Narrative I had given him of the State of my Affairs, the Disorder of which had been owing in the first Place to my changing my Religion, which had forc’d me to quit the Service of my Sovereign. Be this as it will, I received a very favourable Answer to the Memorial which I had the Honour of presenting to the King: He granted me a Lieutenant-Colonel’s Commission in the future Regiment of Sicily, together with the Soldo vivo, which amounted to about Sixteen Pistoles a Month. What they call the Soldo vivo in Spain is, when the same Pay is advanc’d as if the Corps was actually on an Establishment or Footing. I thought this very handsome Pay, and that my Affairs were already in a promising way. I found that with such a Sum an Officer might maintain himself very well in his Quarters. I actually form’d Schemes for a Settlement; and, having paid dear for my Folly, I began to talk of House-keeping. I computed, that with what would now be my Income from Spain, and what was to revert to me from my own Family, I should be able to repair my tatter’d Equipage, and to appear in a decent Manner, till such time as Fortune, which now began to be something kinder than usual, had put me in a Condition to make the Figure I aspir’d to.

As soon as the King had admitted me into his Service, I did not fail to wait on him with my most humble Acknowledgments: I had also the Honour of thanking the Queen, to whom I made my Compliment in High-Dutch, and that Princess return’d me her Answer in the same Language. Soon after this I set out for Arragon, where the Regiment in which I was to serve was then in Quarters. But as I came into Spain with very little Money, I was soon oblig’d to return to Madrid, to desire some small Gratuity, till I receiv’d my Pay. Some of my Friends advis’d me to ask boldly for a handsome round Sum, or for a Pension upon Benefices; because if I depended on my Pay for Subsistance, I should be very much out in my Reckoning; that in Spain, more than elsewhere, they were backward in their Pay, and always one Year in Arrear, and sometimes two or three, according as they dun the Minister, or dawb the Treasurer’s Fist. This News put me a little out of Temper, and from that time I began to perceive that Fortune would jilt me as much in Spain as she had done elsewhere: Nevertheless, my Courage did not quite fail me, I apply’d to the Secretary at War, who referred me to Father Daubanton, and the latter told me, with all the Solemnity that could be, that ’twas none of his Business. You see, Madame, that this was a fine Setting out: However, I was not dishearten’d: And being so much us’d as I was to Rebuffs, I had as lieve be deny’d twice as once. I rapp’d at various Doors, but they were all either shut against me, or, if open’d, ’twas to no Purpose. I resolv’d to address myself immediately to the King, and had the Honour of presenting a Petition to him, in which I gave him an Account of my present Situation: 1st, By the Disaster of the Bank Bills; and, 2dly, by the strange Procedure of the King’s Lieutenant at Bayonne. The King, when he took my Petition, answer’d, I will consider it. It must be observ’d, that the King was then at Aranjuez, for which Reason there was no Minister with him but M. de Grimaldo. This was the Minister to whom the other Secretaries of War and the Finances, and the President of the Council of Castile, were oblig’d to address their Dispatches, which was some Hindrance to Business; but, in short, such is the Practice of the Spanish Court. For the Councils only attend the King at Buen Retiro, and this because ’tis in Madrid itself; for as soon as the King goes from his Capital City, all Affairs pass thro’ the Hands of a single Minister.

I waited therefore upon M. de Grimaldo, to know the Result of my Petition. This Minister, according to his laudable Custom, told me, that the King had a very great Esteem for me: This thread-bare Answer was very little Comfort to me; and even tho’ it were true that his Majesty honour’d me with his Esteem, I saw plainly that mine was a Situation in which the Esteem of Princes is mere Whip-Cream, if it be not accompany’d with something solid. I earnestly press’d M. de Grimaldo that he would be so kind as to procure me something else besides Esteem. At last, after several Goings backward and forward, the Minister said to me one Day, with a Smile, that my Affairs went on swimmingly: I immediately thought my Business done, and wanted nothing but to know the Value of the Gratuity or Pension that was granted to me: But there was nothing in it; the good Turn that my Affairs had taken, was only to be referr’d back again to Father Daubanton. I waited, therefore, on the Reverend Father, and, with all possible Respect, ask’d him, what was the Effect of a Petition that had been referr’d to him? And to this humble Request I added another, still more humble, which was to obtain the Honour of his Protection: But my Compliment and my Respects were not very welcome, and he answer’d me, very short: Do you imagine, Sir, that I have nothing else to do, but to think of your Petition: I have not yet seen it, Sir, nor do I know whether it has ever been sent to me. I reply’d, but still with the profoundest Respect, that M. de Grimaldo had told me that——Alas! said he, interrupting me, M. de Grimaldo! M. de Grimaldo! And the Words were no sooner out of his Mouth, but he whipp’d into his Closet, and slapp’d the Door in my Face. I saw plainly that the Wind did not sit right for his Reverence, and therefore lay by till next Day: Then I made up to him again much about the Time that I knew he us’d to go to the King, and planted myself in a Nook of his Entry, in the humble Posture of a Supplicant: The Jesuit, his Companion, seeing me there, desir’d me to walk into the Antichamber; but I could not be prevail’d on to accept of an Honour which I said did not belong to me; tho’ the Truth was, that I chose to stay in the Entry, as the surest Place of speaking with the Confessor; for I had observ’d, that the Reverend Father often put the Bite upon People that waited for him in the Antichamber, by stealing out at a private Door that open’d into the Entry where I then was. I stay’d there a full Hour, when, as I had before imagin’d, I saw my Gentleman slipping out at the private Door: I accosted him in the Passage, and humbly put him in Mind, that I had the Honour of speaking to him the Day before: I found him in a little better Humour than he was then, for he promis’d me that he would speak to the King, and bid me attend him for the Answer next Day. You will imagine that I did not fail to be there: He told me then, that he had not an Opportunity as yet of speaking to the King about my Affair, but that he would infallibly mention it to him in a few Days: Mean time these Days amounted insensibly to Weeks, and the Weeks to Months, which had like to have put me out of all manner of Patience. I could not be reproach’d with Want of Solicitation, for certainly there was not a Morning but I took my Walk in the Confessor’s Antichamber, where he saw me sure enough, and would sometimes honour me with a Nod, and at other times with a Frown: And, in fine, after having so often danc’d Attendance, all I could obtain was a formal Denial.

I own to you, Madame, I was a little stunn’d by this Shock: For I had neither Money nor Credit, and knew not who I could ask to lend me a Sum, till I receiv’d a Quarter’s Wages: Besides, how could I depend upon such Pay as was put off from one Year to another? In this sad Situation I was so fortunate as to make an Acquaintance with Mr. Stanhope, by the means of one Holtzendorff, that Minister’s Secretary, who was a Native of Berlin, and has a Brother a Valet de Chambre to the King of Prussia. He was glad to shew me his Acknowledgment of some Services my Relations had done him, by bringing me acquainted with his Master. Mr. Stanhope was wonderfully kind to me, and even interceded in my Favour with the Confessor, and with M. Scotti, the Minister of Parma, who could do any thing with the Queen; but Mr. Stanhope had no better Success than I had: However, he did me all the Services in his Power, press’d me to accept of his Table, offer’d me also his Equipage, and advanc’d me some Money: In a Word, he treated me as the best Friend I had could have done; and I may say, that I have substantial Obligations to that Gentleman, because, if it had not been for him, all my Days in Spain would have been Sorrows, and my Travel Grief[28].

While I lost so much Time in solliciting Father Daubanton, I did not omit to take Notice of what was remarkable, not only at Madrid but the Royal Palaces, to which the Court remov’d from time to time. Madrid is, properly speaking, the Capital City of all Spain, and the common Residence of its Kings, who have a large Palace there, the chief Front of which was built by the Emperor Charles V. The Inside has been alter’d for the better, and much embellish’d by Philip V. The Castle is at the End of a large Court which forms a long Square: The Two Sides of this Court are lin’d with low Buildings, Part whereof serves as a Guard-house for the Spanish and Walloon Guards, who range themselves in Two Rows in this Court, when the King or any of the Royal Family passes thro’ it. At the Entrance of this Court there are Three grand Portico’s. The Front of the Palace on the Court-side consists of a main Pile of Building, in the Centre between Two very narrow Pavilions; and at the Entrance of each is a great Gate: The middlemost, which is the principal, is very darksome, and leads into a very spacious Area, arch’d over, where several Coaches may turn at one and the same time: This separates Two Square Courts of the same Size and Structure, encompass’d with a Range of Free-Stone Pillars, that form a Piazza which runs all round it. In the Court, which is on the Right Hand, is the Stair-Case, which leads up to the Apartments of the King and Queen; and in the other are the Offices of the Ministers.

The King’s Apartment consists in the first Place of a Guard-Room, which is neither spacious nor lightsome: On the Left Side of this Room is a very long Row of Chambers, very narrow and low, without a Ceiling, or any other Ornaments, but very rich Tapistry: At the End of this Row there are Three Apartments, built by Order of the Princess of Ursins: The first of these is a large Saloon, very high and well proportion’d, inlaid and wainscotted, and in the Compartments are to be seen the Pictures of several Kings, Queens and Princes of Spain, painted by the ablest Masters: The second Piece is an Octogon, contriv’d in that Form for the Sake of Four little Offices in the Angles of the Square: From this Apartment is a Passage to the King’s Chamber, which is very large, and intirely furnish’d with crimson Damask, adorn’d with Gold Lace and Fringe, tho’ the Tapistry can scarce be seen, ’tis so much hid by excellent Pictures and noble Pier-Glasses.

The Queen’s Apartment is not so large, nor near so fine as the King’s: Her Majesty has a Guard-Room separate from the King’s: Their Majesties may walk on the same Floor to the Chapel, which is not very large, but richly adorn’d: The Gallery is no higher than the Pavement of the Chapel, which is of very fine Marble: The Windows of the Chapel are all of Glass: None but the Infantes fit in the Gallery, and the Grandees of Spain are seated upon Forms, that are plac’d on each Side from the Gallery to the Altar: I am apt to think, that the Cardinals are allow’d a Great Chair and a Reading Desk in the Chapel, even tho’ his Majesty be present: At least, I saw, that the Cardinal Borgia had that Privilege.

In this Palace the King us’d to pass the Winter till Mid-Lent, and then his Majesty went to the Palace of Retiro, which stands near the Gate of Alcala: ’Tis a vast large Building, but without Ornament or Architecture, and looks more like a Convent than a Royal House: The Inside too is perfectly answerable to the Outside: The Rooms are very small, the Tapistries and Paintings very rich, but the Spaniards are so negligent, that they suffer the Rats to gnaw the fine Hangings, and take no Care to repair them: There are noble Pictures also in another Room of this same Palace, which represent the principal Actions of the Duke of Feria, several of which Pictures, more is the Pity, have been cut into Quarters to enlarge the Entry of the Room.

The Gardens of this Palace are inconsiderable. Philip V. it seems intended once to have embellish’d them, and had actually caus’d the Works for it to be begun, but the same have since been discontinued: There’s nothing in them remarkable besides a Statue of Brass, which is plac’d in the middle of a little Flower-Garden wall’d in: ’Tis a Statue of Philip II. on Horseback, and one of the boldest Pieces of Sculpture in Europe: The Horse is represented curvetting with his whole Body, resting upon only one of his Haunches: The rest of the Gardens is nothing but a great Inclosure with irregular Walks: I saw a very fine Piece of Water there: The King’s Mall is worth seeing, as is also the Menagery, which is full of very uncommon Animals.

The King and the Queen, whether they are at Madrid or at Retiro, always live in the same manner: They were not the most early Risers, and when the Levee was notify’d, their Majesties did not rise for all that immediately; but the King first had a Couple of new-laid Eggs, and then some Chocolate for his Breakfast: The Queen only drank some Chocolate: After this their Majesties sent for the Marquis de Grimaldo, with whom they talk’d about Business, after which they arose: Then Father Daubanton came in, and stay’d with the King a full Hour: His Majesty went afterwards to Mass, and when Chapel was over, the King gave Audience to his Subjects, or else went to the Council of Castile: Sometimes he employ’d himself in his Closet till Dinner, when he sat down quite in private, with none but the Queen: After Dinner their Majesties went out together a Hunting, and return’d somewhat late: As soon as they were come back, they were serv’d with a Collation, which consisted of cold Partridge, of the like to which Collations M. de Grimaldo was admitted: When these were ended, the King gave Audience in his Closet to the Foreign Ministers, or other Persons of Distinction: During these Audiences the King was commonly standing and bare-headed, and the Queen was all the while behind a Screen, near enough for her to hear every Word that was said: After these Audiences, when the King had a Mind to do Business, he sent for the Marquis de Castelar or Campoflorido, who stay’d but Half an Hour with him at most. Then his Majesty spent the rest of the Evening with the Infants, the Ladies of the Bedchamber and their Associates; and sometimes there was Play till Supper was ready, at which M. de Scotti, the Minister of Parma, and a very great Favourite, was generally present, to converse with their Majesties: As soon as they arose from Table they went to Bed.

The Pleasures of the Court when in the Country, were little, if any thing, more gay than those at Madrid: I saw the Court more than once at Aranjuez, where I took Notice, that they spent their Afternoons either in Hunting or taking the Air in the Gardens of the Palace: In these Airings their Majesties shot Crows with small Hand-Guns, which would kill at a good Distance: The Queen generally hit her Mark better than the King. While their Majesties hunted on one Side of the Castle, the Prince of Asturias, accompany’d by the Infante his Brother and his Governors, hunted on the other Side, and did not return till Night.

The King spent the Easter-Holidays while I was here at the Palace of Retiro: This gave me an Opportunity of seeing the Processions of the Holy Week, which were made upon every Good-Friday, to the Palace of Retiro, where the King and the Queen, the Prince of Asturias and the Infants saw them pass: I will frankly confess to you, that I never saw any thing so pitiful, not to say scandalous, as this sort of Processions: It seem’d as if they had been resolv’d to turn the most sacred thing in the World into Ridicule: The Subject of the Procession was no less than the Sufferings and Death of our Saviour; but the whole was represented in so burlesque a manner, that really I am surpriz’d, why a Court of Inquisition, which very often sentences People to be burnt for imaginary Crimes, does not severely punish those that are Partakers at such Festivals: In the Procession which I saw, our Saviour was represented as big as the Life in various Attitudes: In one Part of it he was exhibited on Mount Calvary, clad in a Night-Gown of purple Taffeta, praying to his Father to remove the Cup from him, which was reach’d forth to him by a little Angel, that was fasten’d only by a Wire, that it might look as if it hover’d in the Air: Afterwards other Persons came with the Image of our Saviour bound to a Cross, and as big as the Life, having on his Head not a Crown of Thorns, but a long natural Perriwig well powder’d, and adorn’d with a Knot of colour’d Ribbons: In short, every Circumstance of the Suffering and Death of Jesus Christ was represented to the Life, and in such Postures as were more comical some than others: Every Image was guarded by 4, 6, or 8 Men, arm’d cap-a-pie, and bearing Halberds in their Hands: Between every Image march’d the Clergy, and the several Orders of Friars: At the Head of the Procession there walk’d Men who were cover’d all over with black Cloth, so that ’twas not possible to see so much as their Faces, there being only a little Hole made in the Garment for them to see and breathe thro’, tho’ they also made Use of it to blow a sort of Horns, very much like those of Sow-Gelders. They had Hats upon their Heads, with high Crowns like Sugar-Loaves: This sable Company was follow’d by other Men, and by little Boys, stark naked from the Head to the Waist, whose Bodies were twin’d about with Straw-Bands, and their Arms tied to a Piece of Wood, which oblig’d them to hold them extended, as if they had been fasten’d to a Cross: There was also a Company of Flagellant Friars, but they did not presume to come in Sight of the King, and therefore they stay’d and join’d in the Procession, as it came back from Buen Retiro.

There were Processions also in the same Taste during the Easter Week, when the Holy Sacrament was carry’d to the Sick: The Streets and Balconies were on this Occasion hung with Tapistry: The Sacrament, which was carry’d under a Canopy, was preceded by a great Number of Priests and Friars, who had all Wax-Tapers in their Hands: There was also a numerous Symphony, and a great many Dancers, in Masks of several Sorts, leaping and playing Gambols with Castanets snapping in their Hands: And in this manner they danc’d before the Holy Sacrament, and continued it even in the Church, till such time as the Benediction was pronounc’d.

I speak to you of these Ceremonies, Madame, as one that saw them with my own Eyes: I had a Description given to me of them before, which was pretty much like it, but I took all that had been told me as pure Calumny, invented to run down the Worship which the Church of Rome pays to the greatest of our Mysteries; the rather, because they, that had given me the Account of it, were Calvinists: I was willing to be an Eye-Witness myself of every thing which I had been assur’d was observ’d in the Ceremonial of the Spanish Church: For this Reason I attended all these Processions with the greatest Eagerness that could be, and was really scandaliz’d to see that verify’d which I had only imagin’d to be the Inventions of the Enemies of the Church of Rome.

’Tis such unpleasant Walking in the Streets of Madrid, that I question whether that might not make me the more out of Temper with those Superstitions: For this, tho’ a very fine City, and adorn’d with Squares, in which there are noble Fountains, and tho’ it has Streets moreover which are very spacious, strait and lightsome, ’tis nevertheless so very nasty, that there are few Towns like it, which are ever so little govern’d: From all the Houses they throw out a great deal of Ordure, which, they pretend, wastes away in one Night’s Time, the Air of Madrid is so corrosive: Yet I experienc’d the contrary, and was terribly annoy’d with the Stench of it: But for all this, the daily Nuisance of the Streets of Madrid is nothing in comparison of what one is forc’d to suffer upon the Days of Solemnity; for on such Days the Streets are generally clean’d, and then all the Soil being put in Motion, ’tis hardly possible to bear it, especially in a dry Season, when the whole being reduc’d into fine Dust, the very Air we breathe is tainted with it, and it penetrates every thing that one eats: I heard an Italian Physician say, he was sure that ’twas scarce possible for a Foreigner, be he ever so circumspect and retir’d, to spend Three or Four Years at Madrid without being attack’d with a Distemper which we look upon with Horror; but the Spaniards are not at all frighten’d at it, for they say, that in many Families ’tis hereditary. The Doctor said, that every thing they breath’d, eat or drank, was poison’d by the Nastiness of Madrid.

What can be the Reason why the People are so very slovenly I can’t imagine, for there are considerable Sums distributed every Year to keep the Streets clean: Perhaps it may be only owing to the Sloth of the Spaniards, for I don’t know a Nation upon Earth that is so much in Love with Idleness; and I am certain, that if they inhabited a Soil not so fruitful as their’s is, they would soon die with Hunger: In the Winter they delight to spend their Time in basking in the Sun: In the Summer they sleep all Day long, or else drink Ice-Waters, and they reserve their Walks for the Night: The Country-People, who in all other Parts are so inur’d to Labour, are as idle in Spain as the Town’s-People: They can hardly be said to till the Ground, for they only scrape away the Surface of it, and then scatter their Seed: Yet ’tis surprizing, that every thing comes up here as well as in a Country that is better cultivated.

The Spaniards being too indolent for Exercises that require any Labour, delight most of all in Walking, and in frequenting the Play-house, where they are sure of meeting with what is most diverting at Madrid: Yet I can assure you, there is nothing so lamentable as the Spanish Representations, and the Place where they are exhibited is horrible: ’Tis very dark, and over the Benches which are plac’d in Form of an Amphitheatre, are the Boxes for the Ladies, who look thro’ Grates. The Theatre is made after the manner of Rome, being a Row of Portico’s, that are screen’d by Curtains, thro’ which the Comedians enter upon the Stage: The whole is very indifferently lighted; but that which disgusted me more than any thing, was a Common-Sewer, of which I was sensible as soon as I enter’d the House, but could not presently discover where it was for Want of Light: It runs precisely under the middle of the Pit, and the Stench of it is intolerable. The Actors are very ill dress’d, and for the Generality very ill favour’d, or ill shap’d: The Actresses are more tolerable, but not much: The Plays are hardly better than those who perform them; yet the Spaniards say, they are excellent Pieces. What most of all diverted me was their Dances between the Acts, than which it would be difficult to meet with any thing more ridiculous: Most of their Theatrical Performances are sacred Pieces, in which even the Mysteries of our Religion bear a Part: A Friend of mine actually assured me, that he saw the Holy Sacrament administer’d at it to a pretended sick Person, which, if true, I can’t imagine how the Inquisition, that is so severe in other respects, can tolerate such Abuses.

Now I am speaking of the Inquisition, I was an Eye-Witness of the Severity of this Tribunal while I was in Spain: For not many Days after my Arrival at Madrid, I saw several Persons burnt who were convicted of Judaism: Among those poor unhappy Sufferers was a young Woman of about 18 or 20 Years of Age, the beautifullest that I saw in Spain: She went to her Execution with Joy imprinted on her Countenance, and dy’d with the Courage for which our Martyrs are so celebrated: Some time after this Execution the Inquisition made a great Search all over Spain: Above 40 Persons were taken up in one Night at Madrid, and among the rest one Peralte, a famous Physician, who seem’d to have been fated by his Star to die by the Inquisition: His Mother, who was their Prisoner when she was deliver’d of him, was burnt soon after her Lying-in: Young Peralte was brought up in the Catholic Religion, but at 30 Years of Age he was accus’d, and convicted of Judaism: His Punishment for this time was only Three Years Imprisonment, but at length he was apprehended a second time, and after I left Madrid, I heard the poor Wretch was burnt there; in which the Prayers of his Mother were answer’d, for I was assur’d, that when this Woman mounted her Funeral Pile, she pray’d that her Son might one Day or other die the same Death: I was very glad that I was not at Madrid at the time of this Peralte’s Execution, for I had some Knowledge of him, and tho’ he was really a Bigot to Judaism, I thought him one of the civillest Men in the World.

I did not set out from Madrid to join my Regiment, but went a quite different Way, in order to touch some Money which I did not know how to come at in Spain: And that I did not, was surely no Fault of mine, for I don’t believe that ever any Courtier haunted Levees with so much Assiduity as I did, not only those of the King and Queen, but even the Father Confessor’s Levee, whose Protection alone would have done my Business, if he would but have honour’d me with it: I was therefore every Day either in the King’s Antichamber, or in the Reverend Father’s, if not in both; and I follow’d the Court to all the Pleasure-houses about Madrid: I saw the Escurial, a stately Building, which Philip II. caus’d to be erected in Memory of the Victory he gain’d over the French near St. Quentin: ’Tis impossible to see a finer Structure than this is. Philip II. intended at first to build only a Church and a Convent here, but afterwards he thought of having a Mansion here for himself, which is a perfect one of the kind: The Escurial is the Place where the Kings of Spain are bury’d: The Vault in which their Bodies are deposited is a Master-piece of Architecture; every Place here shines with Gold and precious Stones.

Philip V. was at this time building a Palace, now call’d St. Ildephonso, the Plan of which I thought was magnificent: The Situation of it was very advantageous, and it was to be furnish’d with noble Gardens.

The Pleasure-house which I most frequented while I was in Spain is Aranjuez, situate Seven Leagues from Madrid, on the Banks of the Tagus, which runs round all its Gardens: The Neighbourhood of it is very magnificent: Charles V. caus’d Avenues to be made to it, which are now in their full Beauty: ’Twas at Aranjuez that I determin’d at last to take my Leave of his Majesty; for seeing there was no Possibility of getting any thing, I resolv’d to go to Holland, and from thence to Germany, in order to settle some Family Affairs: I thought once too I should not have had Leave to be gone, for the King did not seem inclinable to grant it: He was somewhat scrupulous upon this head, for fear I should change my Religion, till Father Daubanton, who was not so delicate in things of this Nature, said two Words to his Majesty, and then he consented to let me go: This was the only Obligation I ever receiv’d from that Reverend Father: When I took my Leave of the King, he order’d me to return as soon as possible, which I promis’d, and really design’d; but Fortune, which always thwarted my Undertakings, made me steer a quite contrary Course. Mr. Stanhope, who was always as generous to me as possible, was also very serviceable to me at my Departure, for he lent me 40 Pistoles for my Journey.

I set out from Madrid in Company with a Nephew of M. de Seissan, who was going to see his Uncle at Bilbao: The Name of this young Gentleman was the Baron D’V——: It was not long before I had cause to repent of having taken such a Companion with me; for he was one of those young Officers who are always ready to clap their Hands on their Swords for the least thing in the World: He was moreover so hasty, or rather so stupid, that he never took time to hear what was said to him, for which Reason he very often imagin’d, that he was insulted when People had been at the Expence of paying him a Compliment: This, Madame, is a Part of the Character of the Spark with whom it was my Destiny to travel: He was so apt to enter into Conversation with every body he met upon the Road, that it had like to have cost us dear on the first Day of our setting out; for as we were travelling in the midst of a pretty thick sort of a Forest, I perceiv’d at a Distance Four Men well arm’d, advancing towards us in the main Road. As we could not avoid passing between them, I advis’d my Companion to be ready with his Pistols: Those Gentlemen seeing us well prepar’d, let us pass, but as we both took them for Frenchmen, the Baron D’V—— would needs stop our Chaise to enter into Discourse with them, and asked them who they were: They made Answer that they were French Officers, who had fled their Country for an Affair of Honour: They asked in their Turn what News from Madrid; during which I observ’d that they were coming a little too near our Chaise, whereupon I broke off the Discourse, by ordering the Postilion to proceed with all the Haste possible, because we had Business: At the same time the pretended Officers doubled their Pace in order to keep up with us; but by good Luck for us we discovered from a little Eminence a Convoy of about 40 Mules, and several Persons on Horseback that were coming our Way: Our Pursuers no sooner perceiv’d them, but they turn’d about their Horses, and rode off with such Speed, as confirm’d me in my private Suspicion, that we had been talking with Highwaymen; which soon after appear’d to be past all Doubt by our meeting with several Alguasils or Messengers that were scouring the Country in quest of Four Men, who we could easily guess by the Description they gave of them must be the same that we had like to have been embroil’d with.

Upon the second Day’s Journey my Companion and I had some Words together about paying our Quota’s: As I was the Caterer, and in all my Life-time never car’d to pinch my Belly, the Baron thought that I was not frugal enough, and refus’d at first to pay his Shot. However, he comply’d at last, but, as the Expence always run in his Head, he never gave me one kind Look all the Way, and even affected not to speak to me: For my own Part, when I saw him in such a moody Disposition, I chose to be as silent as he, and since I could do nothing better, I fell quietly asleep, and ere I awak’d we had gone a good way: My Fellow-Traveller never open’d his Lips till we came to Burgos.

Burgos is the Capital of Old Castile, and was formerly the Seat of the Kings of Spain: It has nothing remarkable but a very great Square, surrounded with Houses of an exact Uniformity, supported by Pillars, which form a Gallery round the Square. The Cathedral Church is a magnificent Structure, but intirely in the Gothic Taste.

Near Burgos is a very numerous Abby of Nuns of Quality, who as well as all the Convents of Spain have considerable Revenues: The Country from Burgos to Vittoria is finer and better cultivated than in New Castile, and the Villages seem more populous: I saw Peasants there so active to what the Spaniards generally are, that I thought myself in another World.

Vittoria is a trading Town, situate in a fertile Plain, full of Villages: The Streets are very narrow, and the Houses, which are all of Timber, project in such a manner over the Streets, that opposite Neighbours may almost shake Hands from one Side of the Way to the other, which makes the Streets very darksome. This was the City, to which the Queen Mary-Louisa of Savoy retir’d with her Children and the Treasures of the Crown, when the Archduke Charles the present Emperor, after the Battle of Saragossa advanc’d towards Madrid, and thereby oblig’d King Philip to quit Spain.

We lodg’d at the Post-house, where we found much better Accommodation than we had yet met with any where in Spain: But when we came to pay, behold another new Scene! for my Part, I pay’d my Share without grumbling, because I always observ’d, that make never so many Words it must come to that at last: Therefore, after having given what they told me was my Part of the Reckoning, I stay’d but a little while in my Chamber, to see if I had left nothing behind me, when all on a sudden I heard a great Noise in the Yard, upon which putting my Head out of the Window, I was very much astonish’d to see my Baron pulling the Coifs of the Landlady and Three or Four Maid-Servants, who were pommelling him to some Tune. I ran down Stairs ready to break my Neck, in order to rescue him out of the Clutches of those Termagants, and ’twas well I did, for the Landlady had snatch’d up a great Kitchen-Knife, with which she was going to run at him when I parted them, and with some Money the Landlady was pacify’d: What gave Occasion to the Quarrel was the Baron’s Refusal to pay what was demanded of him, and his pretending to go away without leaving any Money: The Landlady, who was not to be jested with, had seiz’d him by the Collar, and he, in order to get rid of her, gave her a Slap in the Face; and the Landlady insisted absolutely upon Satisfaction for the Affront she had receiv’d; but at last, after a great deal of Clamour, they let us go.

At Vittoria we quitted our Chaise and took Horses, because of the bad Roads we were to go thro’ to Bilbao, in a Country abounding with Hills and Woods, which are the Shelter of Robbers: We alighted at a Cabaret, which was a lonely House in the midst of a Wood, and were quickly surrounded by 7 or 8 arm’d Men, who really had the Appearance of Ruffians: They ask’d us if we were Officers, and if we had no others in our Company: I had Presence of Mind enough to tell them, that we had left a Company of Horsemen just behind, whom we expected every Minute at that same Cabaret, and accordingly I order’d the proper Quantity of Hay to be got ready for the Horses: I know not whether this News frighten’d them; however, they soon left us, and rode farther into the Wood: We presently remounted our Horses, and proceeded on our Journey: About a League from the Cabaret we came to one of the highest Mountains that I had ever seen in my Life: As it was very steep, winding Roads were cut out to ascend it, wide enough for Two laden Mules to go abreast. At the Foot of this Hill was a charming Valley, which, after having travell’d Three or Four Leagues in it, carry’d us to Bilbao: This Valley is water’d by a River, the Banks of which are lin’d with Vines and several other Sorts of Trees: All this Country is extremely populous, so that one can’t go 200 Paces without coming to a House: Here is also a prodigious Number of Forges, and they cry up their Iron for the best in all Spain.

Bilbao is the Capital of Biscay, and the prettiest Town that I saw in Spain: Its Walks especially are very beautiful: This City carries on a great Trade in Wool with Holland, England and France, and there are commonly in its Harbour several Ships of these Three Nations. It was formerly a free Port, which tended very much to the flourishing of its Trade; but Philip V. suppress’d that Franchise, and establish’d a Custom-house, which occasion’d a very great Disturbance. The Country-People, who were those that signaliz’d themselves most for the Preservation of their Privileges, took Arms, and engag’d several of the Citizens to join them: These Rebels committed a Thousand Outrages, kill’d several People, and set Fire to the Houses of such as they suspected had any Concern in the Establishment of the Custom-house: However, the Insurrection was quickly suppress’d, the Authors of the Tumult were seiz’d, and several of the most mutinous were hang’d, which Examples of Justice had an Effect upon the Rabble; but, however, they were dealt with very gently, for this Tumult gave the Government a fair Handle to have depriv’d them of a great many most extraordinary Privileges, and such too, as were in some respect incompatible with the Good of the Public: For Instance, A Native of Biscay cannot be sentenc’d to Death for any Crime whatsoever except High-Treason and Heresy; all their other Crimes, how enormous soever, being only punishable by Imprisonment or the Galleys. Catalonia formerly enjoy’d the same Privileges, till it was depriv’d of them by Philip V. when he reduc’d that Province.

Near Bilbao on a very high Mountain is a miraculous Chapel, which has been mightily inrich’d by the frequent Pilgrimages that have been made to it for a long time past: But of every thing that I saw in it, nothing struck me more than the High Altar: ’Tis only of Wood indeed, without Painting or Gilding, but the Workmanship of it is surprizing, and it may be look’d upon as Art’s Master-piece; I have been told, that he, who made this curious Piece of Work, was accus’d of Judaism, and burnt for it, some time after he had finish’d it: But, in good Truth, the Inquisition ought to have pardon’d him, purely for his Ingenuity.

I stay’d longer at Bilbao than I expected: I was every Day in Hopes of finding some Vessel that was going to Holland; but at last being tir’d with waiting, I went on board a Merchant-Ship of Bilbao that was bound for London, by which means I had a Sight of England sooner than I expected: We had so fair a Wind during the whole Passage, that the Sixth Day after we set Sail, I found myself actually in London[29].

All the Places we pass’d by in the Way to this famous City form a Prospect beyond any thing whatsoever: Nothing can compare with the beautiful Scene in the Channel, to see the Multitude of Ships continually going up and down on one Side or the other: The noble Shores of the Thames, cover’d with magnificent Houses and beautiful Gardens, give a grand Idea of the Riches of England: I was pleas’d to see the noble Foundery of Cannon, Bombs and Bullets, and the Dock for the King’s Ships, whereof I saw several lying at Anchor, which were all stately Vessels, and worthy of so wealthy a Nation as the English. I was above all surpriz’d at the Bulk of one of those Men of War, which they told me was that the Admiral goes on board of when England sends him out to Sea. On the left Side of the Thames also, before one comes to London, we see a magnificent Building for the Invalid Sailors: And near this Hospital lie the King’s Yatchs, which serve to carry his Majesty and his Court over to Holland, when he repairs to his German Dominions: The King’s Yatch is very large, and richly carv’d and gilt: From this Place to London-Bridge is nothing to be seen but Ships and Boats continually coming and going, and both Sides of the River are lin’d with Ships at Anchor, which forms a magnificent Shew: I fancy that ’tis impossible for a Foreigner to behold the continual Motion upon this River without Amazement: I shot the famous Bridge of London, which, considering the Length of it, and the Tides of Flood and Ebb, to which it is expos’d, ought really to be reckon’d one of the principal Bridges of the World: The Breadth of it is by no means answerable to the Length, and what renders it still narrower is, the Houses and Shops built upon it, which are none of the best, and yield a bad Prospect.

I went ashore near Whitehall, which was formerly a magnificent Palace, and the Residence of the Kings of England, but had the Misfortune to be consum’d by Fire in the Reign of William III. and Mary: What remains of all this Palace is only one great Pavilion of very fine Architecture, which was formerly a Banquetting-house, and is now a Chapel. ’Twas at Whitehall that the unfortunate Charles I. was beheaded, and in the Remains of this Palace the Window is still to be seen, thro’ which that Prince pass’d to the Scaffold, that was erected over-against it.

The Palace of Whitehall faces St. James’s Park, which is the same to London as the Thuilleries are to Paris, tho’ the former is much more frequented than the latter; but that which takes off very much from the Pleasure of the Walks is, the Promiscuousness of the Company, Livery-Servants and the Mobility being suffer’d to walk here as well as Persons of Distinction: In the middle of this Park is a spacious noble Canal, which is a very great Ornament to it: The Walks are kept in good Order, and especially that call’d the Mall, which is the longest of all: On the Right Hand of this Walk going from Whitehall stands St. James’s Palace, which is now the ordinary Residence of the Monarchs of England: ’Tis a very ancient Building, which was formerly a Convent, and has still very much the Appearance of one; so that, were it not for the Guards about it, a Stranger would hardly imagine it to be the Palace of a Sovereign Prince: There are Two Entrances to it, one on St. James’s Side, and the other towards Whitehall, and at each there attends a Company of the Foot-Guards with a Pair of Colours, and of these there are Two that always stand Centry with their Swords drawn. The King of Great Britain’s Guard is the sprucest that I ever saw: They are all of a proper Size, but not Soldiers for mere Shew, as they are every where else, those who are admitted being oblig’d to bring Certificates of their Service: They are distinguish’d by the Terms of Life-Guards, the Grenadier-Guards, the Halberdiers and the Foot-Guards: The Life-Guards wear scarlet Cloth lac’d with Gold at all the Seams, and fac’d with blue: They are always booted when they are upon Guard, and dare not be seen without their Boots till they are reliev’d. The Habit of the Horse-Grenadiers is like that of the Life-Guards, but they wear Caps of Sky-blue Cloth, which have the Order of the Garter embroider’d on the Front with Gold and Silver. The Habit of the Halberdiers is somewhat uncommon: They are dress’d after the antique manner in scarlet, with a Lace in the King’s Livery, which is of blue Velvet with a broad Gold Lace in the middle; and they wear Caps of black Velvet, adorn’d with white Feathers: The Foot-Guards have red Cloaths with blue Facings: This, Madame, was what I observ’d when I made my Entrance into London.

I steer’d my Course to St. Anne’s Quarter, where I had a Direction to some honest French Refugees: After I had rested a few Days, I took some Measures to make my Appearance at Court, but without Success: The King and his German Court had been so prejudic’d against me by Madamoiselle de Pollnitz, that ’twas impossible for me to obtain an Audience of his Majesty. The Princess of Wales was concern’d at my Situation, and so good as to make me a Present, but the Germans who were at Court were, like their Master, shy of me, so that I was fain to content myself with keeping no Company but the English, of whom I met with several that I had seen in France, and with whom I renew’d my Acquaintance: They us’d me with all the Civility imaginable, and took Care to carry me to the several Quarters of London, where there was any thing worth seeing: They first shew’d me St. Paul’s Cathedral, which, next to St. Peter’s at Rome, is the biggest and the most magnificent Church in Europe: It was begun after the great Fire of London, in the Reign of Charles II. and not finish’d till the Reign of Queen Anne: The Outside of the Structure is as magnificent as the Inside: The first thing that presents itself is the Statue of Queen Anne on the right Side of the West-Entrance, which is the Front: She is represented standing upright, as big as the Life, dress’d in the Royal Robes, with a Sceptre in one Hand, and a Globe in the other: Both the Statue and the Pedestal on which it is plac’d are of Marble: But I did not think this Monument answerable to what might have been expected from a Nation so famous as the English for their elegant Taste in the Arts and Sciences: Nor did I judge more favourably of some other Pieces of Sculpture in the Inside of St. Paul’s Church, which did not seem to be the Performances of Masters. I thought the Choir by much too small, considering the Bigness of the Nave: The Choir is separated from the Body of the Church by a Balustrade of Wood, resembling a Gate, over which the Organs are plac’d to a disadvantagious View, owing, as I take it, to the Chasms on the Sides: Opposite to the Entrance of the Choir is the Communion-table, fenc’d round with a Balustrade and a Form whereon the Communicants kneel: At the Right Hand of this Table is the Seat of the Archbishop of Canterbury, which is rais’d some Steps above the Ground; and over it is a Canopy, like to those of the Catholic Bishops: All round the Choir are little Pews or Stalls like the Boxes in a Play-house, and there the Magistrates usually sit, when they come to the Church in a Body: The Preacher’s Pulpit, which is plac’d in the middle of the Choir, is a plain Piece of Work of Wallnut-Wood, and of an octogon Figure, so contriv’d, that one does not see the Stairs by which the Preacher goes up to it: On the Right Hand of the Door of the Choir is a Canopy, and a Seat like to that of the Archbishop of Canterbury, which is for the Bishop of London.

From St. Paul’s I went to see Westminster-Abbey, which being in a Part of the Town at a good Distance from St. Paul’s, oblig’d me to take a Hackney-Coach: These Vehicles are very common at London; but being made without a Spring, are intolerably uneasy: However, they are of excellent Service to rid a great deal of Ground in a little time; for the Horses, which are very good, gallop for most Part, but the Pavement they run upon being the worst in Europe, it gives terrible Shocks to those who make Use of this Equipage, as I experienc’d in my Jaunt to the Abbey of Westminster. This is the Church in which the Kings of England are consecrated and interr’d: ’Tis a very ancient Pile, without any other Beauty but its Bulk: There is a good Number of Chapels within it, in which are the Tombs of several Kings, Queens, and even of private Persons; but of these there are few worthy of Remark: ’Twas in this Church I saw that call’d St. Edward’s Chair, which is of Wood, without any Ornament; and they say, it is the Chair which that Saint made Use of: The Kings are seated in it at the time of their Coronation: On one Side of this Chair is a Press, wherein is preserv’d in Waxwork the Effigy of General Monk, who, after the Death of Cromwell, restor’d Charles II. to the Throne of his Ancestors. In a Chapel hard by I was shewn another Statue in Waxwork, which represents Charles II. himself as big as the Life, dress’d in his Robes as Knight of the Garter: In the same Chapel I also saw the Waxwork Statue of the Duchess of Richmond, in her Habit as Duchess.

In this Church I met With an English Gentleman, an old Friend of mine, who carry’d me to the Parliament-house, where the King was expected that very Day, to put an End to that Session: And really I had not been long there before I saw the King enter in his royal Robes, and the Crown upon his Head: As I was inform’d his Stay there would be short, I went out, and plac’d myself in his Passage, that I might see his Retinue: I saw him go into his Coach, drawn by Eight Horses, attended by his Horse-Guards, and preceded by another Coach, in which sate the principal Officers of the Crown: The King of England never rides with this Attendance, but when he goes to meet his Parliament; for he is generally carry’d in a Sedan, with Six Footmen walking before, and Six Halberdiers, or Yeomen of the Guard, by the Sides of the Chair; while the Officers that are in Waiting commonly follow his Majesty in Coaches, drawn each by a Pair of Horses: The Prince and Princess of Wales are attended, when they go out, much in the same manner: I observ’d a Custom among the Livery-Servants of the King and their Royal Highnesses, which I saw at no other Court, viz. That when they are in Waiting, they wear, instead of a Hat, plain Caps of black Velvet, made like the Caps of Running-Footmen.

After I had seen the King pass by, I went and din’d with my Lord ——, whose Brother I had seen in Spain: There I spent the Afternoon, and at Night he carry’d me to the Opera, where I was highly pleas’d, not only with the Performers, who were the best Voices in Europe, but with the Orchestre, which could not be finer nor better fill’d; yet, for all that, I don’t think it comes up to the Opera at Paris; for this at London is quite destitute of Dances, or at least when there are any, they are so ill executed, that they are intolerable to Persons of a nice Taste: The Stage-Dresses are indeed much richer than those of the French Actors; but then they are not of that clever Fancy, which the French alone may boast to be their peculiar Perfection: The English Stage has another Defect, and that is, the extreme Want of Performers, for they know nothing of Chorus’s, and when the Scene demands the Appearance of any Retinue, ’tis generally compos’d of People that they pick up where they can get them; for which Reason they all look very silly and confus’d: The Place where the Boxes are, is in a manner round: ’Tis small, but very lofty, and I thought the Seats very well laid out: The whole Company sits down, even those in the Pit, in which there are Benches that form an Amphitheatre, which is not very high, but almost of a circular Figure, so that every body faces the Stage: This Place is so well lighted with Wax-Candles, that it dazzles one’s Eyes, which is a very great Diminution to the Lustre of the Theatre: The King, who was at the Opera when I was there, sate in a Box on the Right Side of the Stage, without any Distinction, and convers’d all the time with Three Ladies that were in his Box.

Some Days after this I went to the English Comedy: I shall say nothing of the Play that was acted there, because, as I did not understand the Language, I could only judge of it from the Applause that was given to it: The Actors seem’d to be excellent, at least, if I might judge, by their Gesture and Carriage, so that it would be a difficult Matter to find any that appear to better Advantage.

The little Prospect I had of obtaining any Employment at the Court of England, and the visible Decay of my Finances, forc’d me to think of departing very soon: Therefore, without Loss of Time, I made my Tours about the City of London, in order to see what was most worthy of Remark: I found very fine Courts, and more Squares than in any other City I ever saw, which would have been more magnificent, if they had not been spoil’d by inclosing them with wooden Pales, to convert the Ground within into Gardens. The Houses are commonly very small, most of them have no Courts before them, and there are few that have Gardens: But I must except a good many Hotels or Palaces, that are very magnificent; such as the Duke of Montague’s House, which is built in an exquisite Taste: The Court before it is very large and beautiful; and the Garden perfectly answers the Beauty of the Building: The Stair-case is worth seeing by those of the nicest Skill: The Ceiling represents Phaeton asking Leave of the Sun to drive his Chariot, and the Fall of Phaeton is describ’d at the Entrance of the Saloon, just at the Top of the Stair-case: The Apartments on each Side of this Saloon are also very beautiful, and most richly furnish’d.

I went afterwards to see my Lord Marlborough’s House, which is very magnificent, and full of Pictures, done by the most able Hands, whereof the greatest Number was by Vandyke: After having in like manner taken a View of several other great Houses, of which I don’t undertake to give a Description, I was shew’d a Column, which in my Opinion far surpass’d the famous Pillar of Trajan: ’Twas the Monument, erected in Memory of the terrible Fire that happen’d at London, soon after the Restoration of Charles II. to the Throne of England: ’Tis pity but this Pillar had more Room to stand in, it being pent up in a pretty close Nook, which is the very Spot where the Fire first broke out: There’s a Latin Inscription upon it, shewing all the Circumstances of that sad Misfortune: In the Pedestal of this Monument is a Door, that opens to Stairs cut out in the Pillar, by which People ascend to the Top of it; and in all London there is not a Place from whence there is a more extensive Prospect of the Country, except it be the Cupola of St. Paul’s.

Not far from this Monument is that Structure which is call’d the Royal Exchange, where the Merchants meet every Week-day from Noon till Two o’clock: ’Tis a very large quadrangular Building, and its principal Front is very magnificent: The Square, where the Merchants meet, is encompass’d with a fine Gallery, supported by great Arches of beautiful Architecture: In the middle of it is a Marble Statue of Charles II. who is represented standing upright, and dress’d in his Royal Robes: In certain Niches over the Arches there are the Statues of the Kings and Queens of England, which are all of Stone, and so imperfectly done, that they are a Blemish, rather than an Ornament to the Exchange: Near this Building is another Statue of Charles II. on Horseback, which is a Monument of white Marble, but so ill perform’d, that I believe it would have been better if it had never been put up: The Equestrian Statue of Charles I. erected betwixt the Haymarket and Whitehall, which is all of Brass, is much better executed: Good Judges particularly admire the Horse, which is one of the boldest Pieces that is to be seen, and was cast by the same Workman that cast the Horse of Henry IV. at Paris; but the Statue of the King was done by another Hand: Cromwell, who had no Respect for the Blood of his Sovereign, did not care to have his Statue preserv’d, but caus’d it to be pull’d down, and set to Sale: A Founder, that was a zealous Royalist, purchas’d it, on Pretence that he would melt it down, but, as soon as he had it brought Home, he caus’d it to be bury’d under Ground, where it remain’d till Charles II. was restor’d to the Throne, and then he made a Present of it to that Prince, who caus’d it to be erected on that Pedestal of white Marble which we now see.

A little Distance from the Exchange is the famous Tower of London, which is of the same Use to this City as the Bastille is to Paris, with this Difference however, that ’tis not so easy for a King of England to store it, as it is for a King of France to fill the Bastille: This Tower is properly speaking a Citadel, form’d of a Number of Houses, surrounded with Fortifications: Here is the Arsenal, which is the best furnish’d, and kept in the best Condition of any in Europe: In this Tower are also preserv’d the Ornaments and Treasury of the Crown: The principal Pieces are 1. The Crown of Edward the Confessor, with which the Kings of England are crown’d: ’Tis of solid Gold, set with Diamonds and other precious Stones. 2. The Crown of State, which the King wears when he meets the Parliament: It has a remarkable Pearl, an Emerald, and a Ruby upon it, so large, that the Value of them is not to be estimated: After I had seen this Crown, I was shew’d that which serv’d for the Coronation of Q. Mary, the Daughter of James II. ’Tis cover’d all over with Diamonds, admirable both for their Size and Beauty: Then I saw the Prince of Wales’s Crown, which is all over plain, without any Jewels; and besides these, I had the Sight of many other rich Things, of which I don’t pretend to give you the Particulars: I will only add, that the Method of exposing them to View is very well contriv’d, to prevent their being stole; for they are only seen thro’ a large Iron Grate, so strong, that it would be a hard Matter to force it.

After I had seen the Treasury, I was carry’d into another Room, where I saw all the Statues of the Kings of England, from William the Conqueror, Duke of Normandy, to James II. They are represented in Armour, and on Horseback, but the whole is of Wood colour’d, which makes them frightful Objects.

As you might happen to think me tedious if I were to be more particular, I chuse to pass over many things in Silence, and shall only say a Word or two of the Character of the English People: I thought Englishmen were much the same in their own Country as the French are out of France, that is to say, haughty, scornful, and such as think nothing good enough; and in like manner they are when abroad, what the French are in their own Country, good-natur’d, civil and affable: Of all Nations I found the Italians were most esteem’d in England, the French and Germans being in some Degree hated: But their Hatred to the Germans is of no older Date than the Reign of the Elector of Hanover; for till then the English look’d upon us as if they neither lov’d nor envy’d us, but now they have a Notion, that the Money of England goes over to Germany; and seem to think, that we had no Coin, till they call’d the House of Hanover to govern them[30]. As to their Hatred of the French, ’tis of a longer standing, insomuch that it would be a difficult Task to determine the Age of it; and I am apt to think, it runs in their Blood; for the Antipathy extends even to the minutest Things; for Example, in the Article of Dress; when the French wear little Hats, the English wear theirs with monstrous broad Brims; and when they know that great Hats are worn in France, they reduce the Brims of theirs till they are as much too narrow; and ’tis the very same case with regard to the rest of their Dress; so that I am persuaded, the English would soon quit any Fashion, were it ever so becoming and elegant, if once the French thought fit to follow it[31]. But how changeable soever they are in their Fashions, as well as the French, yet they have not the Fancy which the latter are remarkable for, and know not how to dress to Advantage; for, in short, there’s not a People upon Earth that set themselves off so ill as the English do, and really they had need to be as well-shap’d as they are for the Generality, or their Dress would be insupportable.

The English Women are also perfectly well-shap’d, and are for most part pretty, and very agreeable Companions; but, like the Men, they han’t the Art of Dress; and tho’ they are always very neat in their Cloaths, yet they have such an odd way of putting them on, as if they endeavour’d to disfigure themselves: When they go out in a Deshabille, they commonly put on a Camblet Cloak as long as their Petticoats, which is clos’d before, and on each Side there is a Slit, thro’ which they put their Arms: They have withal a Hood of the same Stuff as the Cloak, which is tied under the Chin with a colour’d Ribbon[32]. Nor is this Dress unbecoming to the Sex, for ’tis very often us’d by the Citizens Wives and Daughters, and is also much worn among the gay Ladies, when they go upon Intrigues with their Lovers; at which time they repair thus rigg’d on board certain Wherries, that carry them to Houses of Entertainment design’d for such Interviews; the very Boats too seem to be made to the Purpose, being cover’d with scarlet Cloth, or very neat Stuffs, and the Watermen being us’d to the Business, manage it as well as the Gondoliers of Venice.

That amiable Freedom which reigns in England gives the People an Air of Gaiety that is to be met with no where else so universally: The Nobility, the Citizens, and the lower Rank of People have all their Recreations; and whereas in other Countries the Rich alone seem to have a Right to Pleasures, the English Nation has Diversions for all Classes; and the Mechanic, as well as his Lordship, knows how to make himself merry, when he has done his Day’s Work. The English are very much for Shows; Battles especially, of what nature soever, are an agreeable Amusement to them, and of these they have all Kinds: Sometimes they engage Bulls with other Beasts, and at other times they have Cock-fighting: You have undoubtedly heard talk, how these little Animals will fight: The Cocks of England are the best in the World for this Sport, that being a Species, of which there is not the like in other Countries: Their Bill is very long, and when they have once begun to fight, they battle it with such Fury, that one, if not both, is generally left dead upon the Spot. Before they are exposed in the Pit where they are to engage, little Spurs are fasten’d to their Feet, with which those Animals gall each other dextrously: The English, who are no indifferent Spectators of the Engagement, form themselves immediately into several Parties in Favour of the Combatants; and, according to the Custom of their Country, lay considerable Wagers; for, it must be observ’d, there is no Nation in the World so fond of laying Wagers as the English.

The Battles of Animals are not the only ones to be seen in England, there being very often Combats of Gladiators, when the Wretches for pitiful Lucre fight with one another at Swords, and very often wound each other cruelly: The English delight very much in this sort of Prize-fighting: They shout loud Applauses when either of the Two wounds his Antagonist, and when the Battle is over, the Two Combatants shake Hands, and make each other a low Bow, to shew they don’t bear one another any Malice: I can’t conceive how they find any Fellows to take up such an Exercise; the rather, because ’tis liable to very fatal Consequences; for they say, that by their Laws, he who wounds his Adversary, shall be at the Expence of curing him, and he that kills him, is to be hang’d without Mercy.

There’s another sort of Prize-fighters, who fight every Evening in the Summer in a Square near St. James’s, with no other Weapons but Quarter-staves, or wooden Swords, with which they break one another’s Ribs, or knock one another on the Head, and the Victor is generally regal’d by some or other of the Spectators. I have also seen, as I have been going over the Square, a pack of Wrestlers, that endeavour’d to throw one another down, and when one of the Two has tripp’d up his Adversary’s Heels, he politely gave him his Hand to help him up again: At all these Performances considerable Wagers are laid, as I have already had the Honour to tell you.

After having seen every thing at London worth a Stranger’s Curiosity, I was prevail’d on, before I left England, to go and take a View of the Royal Palaces in the Country: I saw Hampton Court and Windsor, which are Two magnificent Palaces, yet Trifles in comparison with the Royal Palaces of France: Kensington Palace pleas’d me well enough: ’Tis a House that formerly belong’d to an English Nobleman, of whom King William bought it, because ’twas so near London: They were making some Alterations at it when I was there: The King’s Apartment is very spacious, but not the most magnificent, and ’tis adorn’d with some Paintings by Vandyke, which are of uncommon Beauty; One of these Pictures represents King Charles I. on Horseback, and in another are his Queen, her Waiting-women and all her Children: I never saw any thing better done than these Two Pieces are. Kensington Gardens would be very fine for a private Person, but for a King, methinks I could wish them to be somewhat more magnificent.

Having finish’d my Travels in England, where I stay’d near a Month, with a View of the Royal Palaces, I embark’d for Holland; but had not a quick Passage, by reason of a Calm, that surpriz’d us at Sea, so that we could neither go forwards nor backwards: At length, in Five Days after we had left London, we arriv’d in the Mouth of the Maese, where we bore a hard Gale of Wind, which blew all Night: Next Day we got safe into the Maese, and by Noon came to Rotterdam, from whence I set out the same Day for the Hague.

As soon as I arriv’d there I thought of renewing my Wardrobe, and refitting my Equipage. Tho’ all this would not come to a great deal, yet being then very short of Money, I was forc’d to go a borrowing: I therefore gave Letters of Attorny to my Creditors, to receive an Annuity which came to me from my Family, and of which I shar’d one Third with my Brother, and Madamoiselle de Pollnitz. As my Brother and I were Minors when my Grandmother left us that Annuity, Madamoiselle de Pollnitz being the eldest of the Family, qualify’d herself to receive it: She was first paid the whole upon her own Receipts, but afterwards she gave each of us our Share, which she all along continued to do ever since I was of Age: My Creditors were glad to accept of the Powers which I delegated to them, but, for their greater Security, they desir’d me to make myself sure and certain that Madamoiselle de Pollnitz would punctually pay them: I wrote immediately, and desir’d them to write to her likewise; but as my good Cousin was never a hearty Friend to me, she thought fit to thwart me in the Expedient I had contriv’d to raise Money: Instead of doing me the Honour to write me an Answer, she wrote to my Creditors, to caution them to be upon their Guard; that I only meant to cheat them, that I had no Share in any such Annuity, and that every Word I had told them about it was a Lye. My Creditors were somewhat startled at this Intelligence, and imagin’d that they had to do with a Knave, who only intended to bilk them, and that they should be left without Remedy if I once gave them the Slip: I did every thing on my Part to make them easy; I told them that Madamoiselle de Pollnitz had conceal’d the Truth from them, on Purpose to involve me in Trouble; and that I would engage she should retract the Letters she had sent them: Besides this, I offer’d to pay them out of the Income of my own Estate: But all I could say to them signify’d nothing; their Jealousy had taken deep Root, and they resolv’d, in order to secure their Debts, to arrest me: And so they actually did; for one Sunday Morning I was accosted by some ill-favour’d Companions, who desir’d me to remove with a good Grace to the Prisons at the Hague, if I did not like to be carry’d thither by Force. I was a little confounded at such a Visit, and saw that I must instantly lose my Liberty, and perhaps for a long time too, when Madame Pyll, a Tradeswoman at the Hague, to whom I was already indebted, was so kind as to advance me what was necessary to pay my Creditors; by which means I got out of the Clutches of those impertinent Fellows.

Not many Days after this happen’d, other Creditors being inform’d of it, imagin’d that the only infallible Method for their being paid was, to take the same Course with me, and they also resolv’d to arrest me: Accordingly, Notice was brought to me at 6 o’Clock in the Morning, that ’twas apprehended there was a Design form’d against me, and that some Serjeants were sauntring about to nab me: I had my Breeches on indeed, but nothing more than a Night-gown; and not caring to take the Trouble of dressing myself intirely, especially as I knew that there were not many People stirring at the Hague at that time, I thought it best to steal off in my Night-gown: I made my Escape to the House of my dear Madame Pyll: I could have wish’d this good Woman would have once more pacify’d those ravenous Hounds, but I had not the Assurance to mention it to her; and only desir’d she would give me Shelter for a little while, which she granted with Pleasure: But I was soon under a Necessity of shifting my Quarters, for the Catch-Polls being inform’d where I was harbour’d, were actually coming to take me, when this honest Woman help’d me to slip out at the Back-door, and lent me a Cloak, in which having muffled myself up, I had nothing to think of but how to get away from the Hague: I put myself on board the Delft Passage-Boat, and went in quest of Texera, a rich Portuguese, who had a House half a League from the Hague. We were such good Friends, that I was persuaded he would not abandon me in the Situation he found me in: And indeed, with all the Generosity possible, he advanc’d me what Money I wanted, and had me conducted to Honslaerdyk, where I stay’d Two Days in the Castle: My Keeper happen’d to be one that was Waiting-woman to my late Mother, who did me all the Services she was capable of, and went and acquainted Pyll where I was; upon which she came to see me, and brought me my Cloaths: I then consider’d what I had to do next: I had a great mind to return to the Hague, to treat with the Creditors who prosecuted me; but considering, that perhaps as soon as I had made these easy, others would give me fresh Trouble, I resolv’d to go to Germany, where I should be nearer at hand to write to my Family for the settling of my Affairs; for I was still under a Prohibition to go to Berlin; tho’ why I was thus forbid to go to my own native Place, I knew not.

I went the Road to Aix la Chapelle, in Hopes that I should there find the Count de L——, to whom I had lent 400 Ducats 7 or 8 Years ago. He was then in the Service of the Elector Palatine, and I was assur’d that he was in waiting about Aix. The first Day I went to Dort, and from thence to Bois le Duc.

This is a pretty considerable Place in Dutch Brabant: ’Tis encompass’d all round with Marshes, and may easily be laid under Water for several Leagues round, which makes it one of the strongest Places in Europe: ’Twas Henry of Brabant that gave it the Name of Bois le Duc, or Bolduc, i. e. the Duke’s Wood, because he directed the Building of it in 1171, in the same Place where he caus’d a Wood to be cut down.

At Bois le Duc I went into the Diligence, which is the Name of the Stage-Coach that goes to Mastricht: I made an Acquaintance in it with an English Gentleman that was going to Aix la Chapelle, to make use of the Waters: He came directly from England, and being, as ’tis probable, over-burden’d with his Guineas, he was at every turn exclaiming against the Cheapness of every thing on this Side of the Water: But a little Adventure he was engag’d in at Mastricht alter’d his Opinion: He went out all alone the very Night we came thither, with a Design, he said, to take a little Walk about the Town; and in his Ramble he met with a very amiable young Creature upon the great Square, with whom he enter’d into a Conversation: After having parley’d with her some time, he offer’d to wait upon her to her Lodgings, and she was not so unsociable, but she accepted of his Proposal: My Englishman thought himself a happy Mortal, and the Damsel appear’d so amiable in his Eyes, that he begg’d her Permission when he was at her Quarters to treat her with some Refreshments: When they had empty’d some Bottles, and the Englishman was ready to take his Leave, he threw down a Guinea, and thought he paid full enough, but the Damsel demanded another: The Gentleman scrupled to give it, and insisted upon it with some Warmth, that a Guinea was sufficient in all Conscience to discharge the Expence he had put her to: No doubt he should have paid more Respect to such civil Company. The offended Damsel call’d the Landlady, who fell upon the poor Englishman like a mad Woman: These Two were join’d by a Third Fury, who all together pummell’d the Englishman soundly, tore his Cravat, and turn’d him out of Doors without so much as giving him his Perriwig: To complete his Misfortune, it rain’d as hard as it could pour, and the Night was so dark, that he could not see which way to steer his Course: He knew not who to ask for; and besides, he had forgot both the Inn, and the Name of the Street where we lodg’d: At last, being quite weary of running up and down the Streets so long, he took it into his Head to knock at every Door, from whence he met with no Return but hard Names: While he was rapping at one Door, he was surpriz’d by the Patroll, who carry’d him to the Watch-house: It was well for him that the Officer upon Guard was not an ill-natur’d Man, for he had the Patience to hear him give a very confus’d Description of the Inn, of which he had absolutely forgot the Name; and upon his saying that there were several other Inns in the same Street where his was, they guess’d pretty near where-abouts it was: Then the Officer lent him a Cloak, and having given him a Watchman to go along with him, they thundred at the Doors of several Inns, which not being the Inn that they wanted, there would certainly have been some Uproar, if it had not been for the Watchman that the Englishman had to attend him: At last, as they were still wandring about in quest of the Inn which neither of them knew any thing of, the Englishman’s Lacquey, who was seeking his Master, met him, and carried him to his Quarters: You must know, that this Adventure made it a very disagreeable Night to me; for being extremely tired, I went to Bed as soon as I had supp’d, and the Englishman being to lie in my Chamber, his Lacquey, who staid up there for him, disturb’d me sadly; for when he saw ’twas late, and that his Master was not return’d, he came every now-and-then to my Bed-side, and wak’d me to know what he should do; so that, to get rid of him, I advis’d him at last to turn out, and look for him. As soon as they came into the Room, I was forc’d to undergo the Penance of hearing the whole Story of his Adventure: The Lacquey was in a terrible Wrath with the honest People that had insulted his Master, and he propos’d to go out that Moment, and break open the Doors, and turn the House out of the Windows; but the Master having more Wit in his Anger, thought it best to bear his Disgrace with Patience, and to rest his Bones after so much Fatigue.

We set out next Day for Aix la Chapelle; but the Count de L—— whom I thought to have found there, was at that time in the Palatinate, and therefore having nothing to do at Aix, I took Leave of my Englishman, and proceeded in my Journey towards Cologne: As soon as I came thither, I fell ill of a Fever, nevertheless I push’d on, and was preparing to go up the Rhine, but when I came to Andernach, a little Town in the Dominions of Cologne, I found myself so ill, that I was absolutely oblig’d to stop: Mean time my Fever prov’d a continual one, and I was in a Place where I could not expect much Relief: The Mistress of the House where I was told me, that there was an able Physician some Leagues from Andernach, upon which I jogg’d on thither as well as I could, and in a Fortnight’s time my Fever left me: Some Days after this I propos’d going towards Mentz, but when I came to Coblentz, I found myself worse than ever, and not being willing to change my Doctor, I return’d down the Rhine, and went to spend another Fortnight with the Man that had cur’d me before: Nevertheless, my Distemper grew worse, and even affected my Mind so much, that I imagin’d I should never be cur’d where I was: I had withal conceiv’d such a mortal Aversion to my Doctor, that I could no longer bear the Sight of him; and fancy’d that a Physician of Cologne, whom I knew, was the only Man that could cure me, for which Reason I was wonderfully impatient to go to Cologne; and notwithstanding all the Arguments of my Doctor to convince me that in the Condition which I was then in it would be Death for me to undertake a Voyage, yet I embark’d in a Vessel, and went down the Rhine: When I arriv’d at Cologne, I put myself with Confidence under the Care of the Physician of whom I had such an Opinion, and after having taken his Drugs about Two Days, whether it was owing to their Virtue, or to the Force of my Imagination, the Fever visibly diminish’d, and at last quite left me.

When I was perfectly recover’d, I went up the Rhine again to Mentz, where I hop’d to have found my Cousins; but I was told, that they were at their Estate in Franconia: This unlucky Absence of theirs perplex’d me very much, and what to do now I could not tell: I chose to go to Zell, where my Brother liv’d, and by good Luck I met with a Coach that was going to Hanover: From Hanover I went to Zell, where I heard that my Brother was at Berlin, and I resolv’d to advance that way; but lest I might be known, instead of going to the Neighbourhood of Berlin, I repair’d to Leipsic, from whence I wrote to my Agent to know how Things went, and if there were any Hopes of settling my Affairs: He sent me Answer, that there was no Probability of it as long as my Estate remain’d under a Sequestration; that indeed a Loan of Money would enable me to obtain a Replevy by compounding with my Creditors; but that he did not see how it was possible to borrow any Money, unless Madamoiselle de Pollnitz, to whom my Estate was entail’d, would consent to it: He concluded with telling me, that he knew of no other Method to get me out of this Difficulty, than to obtain an Order from the King of Prussia. I knew as well as he, that such an Order was the most expeditious Method to bring me out of Trouble; but how could I obtain it, when I was not permitted so much as to appear at Court? However, I thought it my Duty to leave no Stone unturn’d this Bout for obtaining such Permission, tho’ I had been deny’d it several times. I resolv’d to implore the Protection of the Prince of Anhalt-Dessau, who had always given me Proofs of his Kindness, as had also the Princesses his Sisters.

I went therefore to Dessau, which is but Six Leagues from Leipsick: At that time none were there but the Princesses, for the Prince had been absent several Days, and was not expected till the Night following: I wrote to Madame the Duchess of Radzivil, the Eldest of the Princesses, to desire that she would stand my Friend with the Prince her Brother: This Princess was so good as to send me one of her Officers to assure me that she would do every thing in her Power to prevail on the Prince to protect me; and she even desir’d me to write a Letter to the Prince, which she promis’d me to deliver to him with her own Hands: I laid hold on the Princess’s kind Offer, sent her the Letter she desired of me, and as soon as the Prince was return’d, she had the Goodness to deliver it to him: I hop’d to carry all my Points after such a Recommendation; yet so far was I from seeing the Effect which I expected, that the Prince desir’d his Sister to engage me to make the best of my way out of Dessau, because if I staid there any longer, he should be oblig’d to put me under an Arrest: The Duchess, when she sent me this Message, was so kind as to sweeten it with one of the civillest Compliments that could be, and made me an Offer of Money, imagining, to be sure, that in the Condition I was in, I might have need of it: I most humbly thank’d her for all the Marks of Kindness with which she was pleas’d to honour me, and desir’d her to be assur’d, that I would that Instant pray Obedience to the Prince’s Orders: And indeed, as I knew that with this Prince Execution follow’d close at the Heels of his Menaces, I speedily made an Enquiry for a Coach to carry me to Barbi, which is the Residence of a Duke of Saxony of the Branch of Weissenfels, where I hop’d to meet with a Friend of mine, who was in that Prince’s Service; but ’twas impossible for me to find either Horse or Coach in all Dessau, for nobody would stir by reason of the Sacredness of the Day, it being the Fourth Sunday in Advent: Mean time, as I still dreaded the Prince’s Anger, I resolv’d to set out on Foot: I made a Man shoulder my Portmanteau, which was then all my Equipage, and went with him to a little Town in the Duchy of Magdebourg, where I took a Chaise that carry’d me to Barbi.

I there found the Friend that I wanted, who receiv’d me as well as I could wish: This was the late Baron de Chalisac whom you knew; but he did not fail to chide me a little, for letting my Affairs run into such Confusion; and advis’d me to go to my Brother, and concert proper Measures with him for the Advantage of both of us: He also lent me 40 Crowns for my Journey: I spent the Christmas-Holidays with him, during which he heard, that my Brother was return’d to Zell: I was very glad of this News, and next Day after the Holidays I set out to meet him: I found him in a very good Humour with me: He convinc’d me, that I had Reason to suspect my Steward, and advis’d me at the same time to turn him off, and to take his in his Room, whom he knew to be honest: I gave him full Power to examine my Steward’s Accompts, and he made it out as clear as the Sun at Noon-day, that I had been bubbled: My Brother, in order to oblige me thoroughly, help’d me to some Money, and moreover, put my Affairs in such a State, that my Creditors might not only be satisfy’d in a little time, but I had something left over-and-above to subsist me.

My Affairs being thus settled, I had nothing to think of now but which way to steer my Course, to the end it might be said at least, that I had some sort of Business or other: I could have lik’d the Service well enough, but there was no War, nor none like to be very soon: Moreover, I had paid my Court with so little Success to different Sovereigns, that indeed I was under no Temptation to enter the Lists again: I might indeed have return’d to Spain, where I had obtain’d an Employ, but what signify’d it, where the Salaries are not paid, and the Establishment obliges one to spend high? This Fluctuation of different Ideas puzzled me the more, because which way soever I look’d, I saw nothing but Difficulty, and not the least Glimpse of any other Condition that I could embrace: One Friend advis’d me to take Orders in the Church, which was a Proposition that I thought at first a little extraordinary; yet when I had seriously consider’d the Matter, I judg’d it would not be so wrong a Step as I imagin’d; that sooner or later I should not fail of having some Preferment: In a Word, a Number of temporal Motives gave Birth to a Project in my Mind, which ought only to have been the Effect of a Spiritual Call: I was advis’d first of all to make my Court to the Cardinal of Saxe, who was at Ratisbon: This Prince, who from a Lutheran turn’d Roman-Catholic, was very fond of new Converts.

I went therefore to find out his Eminency at Ratisbon: My Brother accompany’d me as far as Brunswick, where we stay’d some Days, after which he took Leave of me, and return’d to Zell; and I for my Part went to Barbi, to see the Baron de Chalisac to whom I gave an Account of the Settlement I had made with my Brother, and of my Resolution to think now of the main Chance: He was overjoy’d to find me in such a Disposition; and after I had spent a few Days with him, I proceeded to Zeitz, by the way of Leipsick.

You know that Zeitz is a Town which has always been the Appenage of a Branch of the Saxon Family: The last Duke that was in Possession of it marry’d a Princess of Brandenbourg, Sister of our late King. That Duke chang’d his Religion twice towards the Close of his Life: The first time he turn’d Catholic, in Imitation of his Brother the Cardinal of Saxe; and the second time he return’d to the Lutheran Religion, in which he had been educated: As he left but one Daughter, who was marry’d to Prince William of Hesse-Cassel, his Dominions ought to have fallen to the Cardinal, and to one of his Nephews; but they being both of them Catholics, are disinherited by virtue of an Article of the Treaty of Westphalia: Mean time the King of Poland, who is a Catholic, seiz’d them, and continues Master of them, so that those Dominions are govern’d by a Regency, which receives its Orders from Dresden: The King of Poland made an Accommodation with the Cardinal and the young Prince, by giving each of them a Sum of Money, and engaging moreover to pay the late Duke’s Debts.

From Zeitz I went to Hoff, the first Town in the Marquisate of Brandenbourg-Bareith, from whence I proceeded to Bareith, the Capital of the Margraviate of that Name, and from thence to Erlangen: Of both these Towns I shall have occasion to make Mention hereafter: From Erlangen I went to Nuremberg[33], which passes for the best built City in all Germany: The Houses are all very beautiful, lofty, and perfectly lightsome, and most of them are painted on the Outside, like those of Augsbourg: The Town-house, in which the Senate assembles, is a Structure remarkably beautiful, is very large, and completely well built: The principal Front is adorn’d by Three great Portico’s with Marble Pillars: The Inside is every whit answerable to the Magnificence of the Outside, there being very fine Rooms in it, adorn’d with noble Paintings.

The Territory of Nuremberg is considerable, there being several Towns and Villages depending on it: The Brandenbourg Family have had frequent Disputes with the Republic on account of some Lands, that they claim for their Appurtenances; upon which Blood has been spilt more than once; nay, in the Reign of the Emperor Frederic III. there was actually an open War upon that Occasion: At present Nuremberg is secure against any manner of Insult; it having good Ramparts, an Arsenal well furnish’d, and a numerous Garison.

After I had stay’d Two Days at Nuremberg, I set out for Aichstedt, which is the See of a Bishop, who is Prince of the Empire: I had the Honour of waiting on the then Bishop of the See, who was of the Family of the Barons of Knebel of Katzenellebogen, and a Prelate not only of a noble Extraction, but extraordinary Merit: Having a Letter of Recommendation to him, I desir’d Audience of him, and he granted it to me with great Marks of Distinction; for he sent me one of his Coaches, and gave me the most civil Reception in the World: Being at that time violently afflicted with the Gout, he was seated, and made me sit down likewise; and after a good deal of Discourse, he invited me to Supper: The Supper was attended by a Concert, which his Musicians came to perform in his Chamber: It was a very numerous Band, and perfectly well adapted: I made my Court to him for the Five or Six Days that I stay’d at Aichstedt, and when I went away, he made me a Present of a Gold Snuffbox, which weigh’d 25 Ducats: He took it out of a Cabinet that he shew’d me, in which I observ’d a great many very valuable Jewels, particularly a Diamond Cross, reckon’d worth between 5 and 600,000 Florins: This Prelate had moreover the Complaisance to defray my Expences at my Inn, so that when I came to call for the Reckoning, I was very much surpriz’d to find that I had been beholden to the Prince to clear it.

At my Departure from Aichstedt I took the direct Road to Ratisbon, which carry’d me thro’ Ingolstadt, a strong Place of Bavaria: It serv’d for the Residence of several Dukes of Bavaria, whose Castle is still to be seen, where lives the Governor, who is always a General Officer of the Elector’s Troops.

From Ingolstadt Half a Day’s Journey brought me to Ratisbon, an Imperial City of Bavaria, and a Suffragan Bishoprick of Saltzbourg: There I found the Cardinal of Saxe, who was come thither to preside at the Dyet, in quality of the Emperor’s Commissary: He had for his Adjunct the Baron de Kirchner, who had the Title of Joint Commissioner at the Dyet, and had the Care of all Affairs: This Post of Commissioner at the Dyet is the most honourable that the Emperor has in his Nomination; insomuch that a Commissioner does not yield Precedence to an Elector; and his very Instructions import, that if a King comes to Ratisbon, he must not yield him the Preference: The Cardinal of Lamberg, who was the Cardinal of Saxe’s Predecessor in the Post of Commissioner at the Dyet, had some Broil with the Electors, and with the Court of Vienna, because he gave way to the Duke of Lorrain: This Prince passing thro’ Ratisbon to take Possession of his Dominions, after the Treaty of Ryswick, sent Notice to the Cardinal of his Arrival, upon which he went immediately, and pay’d his Royal Highness a Visit, invited him to dine at his House, sent his Coaches for the Duke, and gave him the Right Hand upon all Occasions: Of this the Electors Envoys complain’d; but the Cardinal, not much intoxicated with his Dignity, made them Answer, That he thought it was a Deference which he ow’d to the Duke of Lorrain, not as a Sovereign Prince, but as the Emperor’s Nephew: He made Use of the same Argument at the Court of Vienna, where, tho’ for that one time only, his Conduct was approv’d.

This is not the only Prerogative enjoy’d by the Commissioner to the Dyet: He has a Right to have Guards, and is commonly serv’d by Gentlemen: When an Electoral Minister repairs to the Cardinal for Audience, he is receiv’d as he alights out of his Coach by Four Gentlemen, who conduct him to the Chamber of Audience; There’s a Guard-Room, in which there are 50 Soldiers, always drawn up in a Line with Muskets on their Shoulders: Next to this Room is the Chamber of Audience: When the Minister enters it, the Commissioner advances half way to meet him; They then sit down in Two Chairs of State, under the same Canopy; in such manner that the Commissioner is placed in the middle, and the Envoy’s almost over against him, but a little to one Side, so that it stands partly upon the Carpet, with the Back turn’d half way towards the Door. When the Audience is over, the Commissioner accompanies the Envoy half way out of the Chamber, from whence Four Gentlemen reconduct him to his Coach: The Envoys of the Princes are only receiv’d by Three Gentlemen. The Commissioner expects them in the Chamber of Audience standing, and leaning upon a Table, which is under a Canopy, with a Chair of State by his Side: When the Envoy is enter’d, the Commissioner sits down, and puts on his Hat, and the Envoy does the same: His Chair of State stands over-against the Commissioner’s, with its Back turn’d towards the Door, and plac’d in such a manner, that the Envoy’s Feet do but barely touch the Commissioner’s Carpet: When the Audience is ended, Three Gentlemen reconduct the Envoy to his Coach: The Deputies of the Free States of the Empire have a Chair with only a Back, and no Arms to it, when they have Audience of the Commissioner, and only one Gentleman receives and reconducts them.

When the Commissioner gives any public Feast, he must send an Invitation to the Ministers of the Electors and of the Princes Three Days before-hand; and the Table must be plac’d under a Canopy, where the Commissioner has the chief Seat; and the Ministers place themselves on his Right and Left, according to the Rank of their Masters.

I had the Honour to pay my Respects to the Cardinal Commissioner, who receiv’d me with all the Good-nature possible, and talk’d to me in such a manner, as gave me Hopes of Success: The Envoys of the Princes spoke to him also in my Favour, and they thought him well dispos’d to serve me: I remain’d thus Four Months at Ratisbon in continual Hopes, but still without seeing my Affairs settled: I was resolv’d to be somewhat urgent with him, that I might know without Delay what I had to depend upon: The Cardinal was so good as not to refuse me to my Face, but he sent me Word by one of the Elector’s Envoys, who spoke to me for him, that ’twas in vain for me to stay at Ratisbon; that he could do me no Service; and he said also, without giving any Reason for it, that even tho’ the whole Dyet was to intercede for me, he would do nothing for me: This Expression, which I could not think an ambiguous one, made me cease to sollicit him.

At this same time the Emperor declar’d the Marriage of his Niece the Archduchess with Charles-Albert Cajetan, the Electoral Prince of Bavaria: The Elector of Bavaria had waited for this News a long time, and he receiv’d it almost at the same Instant when he heard that his Third Son the Duke Clement, the Bishop of Munster and Paderborn, had been elected Coadjutor of Cologne, in spite of the Opposition which several Powers had secretly fomented against him in the Chapter. The Cardinal of Saxe had conceiv’d some Hopes of attaining to this Dignity; but he desisted from his Pretensions for a very considerable Sum of Money in Hand, and for the Grant of the Provostship of Alten-Ottingen in Bavaria to the Prince his Nephew. M. de Plettenberg, the Envoy of Munster, gave a grand Feast on account of his Master’s new Dignity: He caus’d a great Room and several Tents to be erected at the Gates of Ratisbon, where there was Play under the Tents, and a Supper in the long Room: The Cardinal of Saxe was present at it, and the Envoys with their Ladies, and all the Quality there in general were invited to it: After the Feast there was a Firework, to give time to prepare the long Room for the Ball, which held till Day-light.

Not long after this Entertainment the Cardinal of Saxe set out for Hungary, where he was to preside in quality of Primate of that Kingdom, at the Dyet which met there this Year: The Emperor and Empress assisted at it, to settle the Affairs of the Succession of that Crown, the Right of which the States of the Country acknowledg’d to belong to the Archduchesses, Daughters of their Imperial Majesties, and to their Posterity, in case it should please God not to grant their Majesties a Son.

After the Cardinal was gone, I stay’d at Ratisbon no longer than was absolutely necessary to take Leave of the Ministers of the Electors and the other Envoys, from whom I had receiv’d all manner of Civilities; for many of them, not content with shewing me the utmost Complaisance, extended their Regards further, and knowing the State of my Affairs, they had behav’d with a Generosity to me, which I shall always remember with Gratitude; and happy should I be, could I one Day or other find an Opportunity to shew them Proofs of it! The only one I can give them now is, to mention their Names to you: The Regard you always had for me will no doubt engage you, Madame, to esteem them as such generous Friends deserve, which will be an Advantage they will prize the more, because as they have the Honour to be acquainted with you, they know full well that you never grant your Esteem, where it is not justly merited.

The Count de Konigsfelt, the Envoy of Bavaria, was one of those who strove most with the Cardinal to serve me: This Minister liv’d very grand at Ratisbon: Every thing about him was of the utmost Magnificence: His Table was exquisite, his Music perfectly well compos’d, his Equipages of a noble Fancy, and he had a great Number of Domestics, all well cloath’d: All this external Appearance diffus’d an Air of Grandeur throughout this Minister’s Houshold, which gave a sublime Idea of the Prince whom he represented: The Sollicitations of this Minister for me were warmly seconded by the other Envoys, who also drew their Purse-strings for me: These were the Baron de Kirchner, the Joint Commissioner; M. de Vriesberg, the Envoy of Hanover; M. de Plettenberg, the Envoy of Munster; the Baron de Duremberg; the Envoy of Hesse-Cassel; and M. de Hagen, the Envoy of the Duke of Saxe-Gotha.

After having discharg’d what I thought Politeness and Gratitude demanded of me, I set out from Ratisbon, to meet my Brother, who was at Dusseldorff solliciting a Law-Suit, which we were jointly carrying on with Madamoiselle de Pollnitz, and which we lost, no doubt because it was not the Decree of Providence that we should enjoy the good Things of this World.

When I set out from Ratisbon I took the shortest Road, which was to go thro’ Nuremberg, Wurtzbourg and Francfort: I stopp’d a few Days at Wurtzbourg[34], one of the richest and most considerable Bishopricks in the Empire: The Bishop assumes the Title of Duke of Franconia: He, who then possess’d this See, was of the Family Schonborn: This Prelate kept up a Court and Houshold as considerable as any Prince in Germany: I saw him in all his Glory upon the Festival of the Patron of the Cathedral: He went from his House to the Church, with a Pomp truly Royal. I saw first the Bishop’s Harbinger, follow’d by all the Domestics and Gentlemen of his Court: Then came Six Coaches, drawn each by Six Horses, with the Bishop’s Arms: Afterwards there follow’d Two of the Prince’s Running-Footmen, and 24 of his other Footmen, all dress’d in his Livery, which was Purple, with Lace of green Velvet, mix’d with Silver Lace, and they had Waistcoats of green Cloth, lac’d with Silver: After the Footmen march’d 18 Pages with Cloaks of the Bishop’s Livery, lin’d with green Sattin: These were follow’d by above 50 Gentlemen, who walk’d immediately before a stately Coach, in which the Prince rode alone: His Master of the Horse, and the Captain of his Guards walk’d on Foot by the Sides of the Coach, which was guarded by Two Files of the Hundred Swiss, dress’d in the antique manner: 50 Life-Guards in Habits of purple Cloth lac’d with Silver, and with Bandoleers of green Velvet, lac’d also with Silver, follow’d the Coach: The March was, clos’d by Three fine Coaches, drawn each by Six Horses, with the Bishop’s Arms: Arriving with this Train at his Cathedral, he was receiv’d at the Gate by all the Chapter in a Body: A Domicellaire carry’d the Banner of Franconia, and the Marshal of the Bishop’s Court bore the Sword of State, to denote the Sovereignty of the Duchy of Franconia: The Prelate being conducted to the Vestry, and there array’d in his Pontificalibus, walk’d into the Choir: His Throne was rais’d Three Steps from the Floor, and plac’d under a magnificent Canopy, all of Tapistry, with a Silver Ground: As soon as he was seated the Office began, by a very fine Piece of Music, perform’d by the Bishop’s Musicians: After a very short Anthem the Prelate took the Holy Sacrament from the Altar, and carry’d it in Procession out of the Church: He went all round the Cathedral with it, preceded by the Domicellaire, and the Marshal of his Court, bearing one the Banner of Franconia, and the other the Sword: The Streets thro’ which the Procession pass’d were lin’d with 4000 Men of the Bishop’s Troops, which he had order’d into the Town to give the greater Splendor to the Ceremony: When the Procession was return’d to the Church, Mass was sung to Music, and the Bishop officiated: The Ceremony being ended, he return’d to his Palace, with the same Train that attended him to the Church.

The City of Wurtzbourg resembles the Magnificence of its Bishop, and has Buildings both sacred and profane, which are very grand: I will give you a more particular Account of some of them, after I have added a Word or Two of the City itself: ’Tis an ancient City, and has been subject to many Revolutions: ’Twas taken in 1526 by the Peasants of Swabia and Franconia, who rebell’d against their Lords upon a Supposition that Luther, who at that time preach’d up Rebellion against the Authority of the Pope, would likewise approve of their Revolt from their Sovereigns: Luther, however, instead of approving of their Conduct, wrote strenuously against them, but there was a Necessity of employing other Methods than Remonstrances to reclaim them: George Truchses of Waldbourg, Colonel of the Swabian League, soon reduc’d them to their Duty: He fac’d them with a good Number of Soldiers, and the Peasants were so rash as to make Head against them; for which, however, they suffer’d dearly, for they were defeated in several Engagements; and I was assur’d, that it cost the Lives of above 50,000 of them: After this Defeat Wurtzbourg remain’d quiet till William of Grumbach, who had some Complaint against the Bishop, caus’d him to be assassinated: The Chapter of Wurtzbourg prepar’d to revenge the Death of their Bishop, but Grumbach resolv’d to prevent them, and putting himself at the Head of 1200 Men, he surpriz’d the City in 1563, abandon’d it to the Pillage of his Soldiers, and by that means forc’d the Chapter to come to Terms with him: The Emperor Ferdinand II. being soon inform’d of Grumbach’s Transactions, put him under the Ban of the Empire; whereupon Grumbach retir’d to John-Frederic, Duke of Saxony, Son to that John-Frederic whom the Emperor Charles V. had degraded from the Electoral Dignity: This Misfortune of the Father ought to have been a Warning to the Son not to grant his Protection to such a Rebel as Grumbach: Nevertheless, it was no Restraint to him: The Emperor, incens’d at such Conduct, put the Duke also under the Ban of the Empire, and charg’d Augustus, Elector of Saxony, to see the Ban put in Execution: This Elector acquitted his Commission so well, that he secur’d John-Frederic, and sent him to the Emperor, who caus’d him to be committed Prisoner to Neustad, where, after 26 Years Imprisonment, the unhappy Prince dy’d: Grumbach, who was also arrested, was condemn’d to be broke alive, and his Accomplices were beheaded.

Ever since this Expedition Wurtzbourg has enjoy’d a profound Tranquillity; which has render’d it so rich and powerful as it is at this Day: Its Buildings both sacred and profane, as I have already had the Honour to mention to you, are very magnificent, and its Cathedral is a vast great Building, which contains immense Wealth: All the Ornaments of the Altar, the Pulpit, and the Two great Candlesticks before the Altar, are of solid Silver, as are also several Statues of our Saviour, the Holy Virgin, and some Saints as big as the Life: Besides all this Wealth there are beautiful and magnificent Hangings in the Choir, which represent some Passages of the Old Testament History: The Choir is higher than the Nave by several Steps: The High Altar consists of Four Pillars of black Marble, which form a Semicircle, and support a Cupola of Wood gilt, and very curiously wrought, which has on the Top of all a Ducal Crown: There are Chapels in the Body of the Church, where Vessels of Gold and Silver cast a Lustre on all Sides: The Bishop was building a Chapel by the Cathedral, which, when finish’d, must be very magnificent, for the Inside was to be lin’d throughout with Marble, which that Prelate had sent for from Italy for the Purpose: He hasten’d it the more, because, said he to me upon a time, I design to have my Bones laid there. Perhaps this Prince was persuaded in his Mind that he had not long to live, for within a few Months he dy’d: He was succeeded by Christopher-Francis of Houtten de Stoltzenberg, heretofore a Member of the Chapter of Wurtzbourg.

Besides the Cathedral there are several other fine Churches to be seen here, of which that of the Jesuits is one of the most magnificent: I afterwards went to see the Castle, which stands upon a Hill that looks over all the Town and Country: The Road that leads to it is very rough, and so incommodious for Coaches, that the late Bishop abandon’d it, and chose to dwell in a particular House in the Town, till the noble Castle which he was building was finish’d: I could not help thinking it wrong in him to leave a Structure so magnificent, and so suitable for a Sovereign, in which it may be said, that no Cost has been spar’d: ’Tis encompass’d on all Sides with Ramparts and other Works, which secure it from any Attack: The Inner Rooms of the Castle are indeed ancient, but they have lost nothing of that Air of Grandeur which denotes it to have been the Residence of a Prince: I never saw any thing look so fine as the Vaults in this Castle, which, because they can have no more Day-light than what peeps in at the Door, are illuminated by a great many Candles upon gilded Sconces: These Vaults are full of Barrels, most of which are of a monstrous Size, and they are all adorn’d with Carving, and full of Wine, of which they don’t fail to let Foreigners have a Taste.

As we go from the Court of the Castle one enters the Court of the Arsenal, which is a Building of Brick and Free-Stone: The lower Rooms are perfectly well arch’d over, and contain about 160 Brass Guns, the Generality of which are 24 Pounders, and some carry from 40 to 48 Pound Ball. The Pillars that support the Arch are garnish’d as well as the Walls with all the Instruments that are necessary for Gunners, and with every thing belonging to a Train of Artillery, even to the Harness of Horses: The Bases were adorn’d with Boxes full of Musket-Balls: Underneath there are large fine Cellars stor’d with Provisions enough to maintain 6000 Men for a Year. The upper Rooms serve for the Arms, of which I was assur’d there were enough for 40,000 Men, Horse and Foot, all rang’d in such Order, that ’tis a Pleasure to see them: The hollow Spaces are full of Flints and Balls: The Court of this Arsenal, and all the Bastions of the Castle are full of Bombs and Bullets: In short, to examine this Castle well, one would take it for the Temple of Mars, rather than for the Palace of a Minister of Peace.

The new Castle which the Bishop was building when I went into his Capital stands in the Town itself, near the Gate that leads to Nuremberg: ’Twill be one of the finest in Europe, if the Model I have seen of it be exactly pursued: All the Foundations were already finish’d, and about a Fourth Part of the Castle carry’d up to the first Story: But tho’ there was no Want of Labour, yet it requires a good deal of Time to bring to Perfection a Structure which is 360 and odd Feet in Front, and forms Five great Courts: The Bishop’s Design was to make the principal Stair-case of Marble, and to line the Chapel, the Guard-Chamber, the great Rooms of the Palace, and all the Chimneys and Doors with the same: The Gardens were to be answerable to the Magnificence of the Building, and the Bishop had actually demolish’d the Ramparts, and fill’d up the Ditches; but Death stopp’d him in the midst of his Undertaking, and he has left his Successor to take care, that the Work be finish’d according to the Plan of it, which has been admir’d by those who are good Judges.

After I had seen the Two Castles, I went to visit the great Hospital, which is a very fine Establishment: This Building is compos’d of a great Pavilion in the middle of Two very large Wings: The principal Entrance is thro’ the Pavilion, to which there is an Ascent by Two Steps; and on the Right and Left are Two fine Galleries in Form of Arches, which serve as Corridors to lead to the necessary Offices for maintaining the poor Pensioners of the Hospital: At the Top of the Stair-case of the Pavilion is an Entry, which leads to a couple of close Galleries, in which are the Chambers of the Pensioners, and to a large fine Room, all over carv’d, painted and gilt: On the Left Hand are Two great Closets, in which the Bishops retire during the Holy Week. The second Story is like the first; there’s a Room like to that I have been speaking of, wherein the Bishop, assisted by his Chapter, washes the Feet of the Poor upon Holy-Thursday, and afterwards regales, and serves them at Table, accompany’d by the Canons of his Chapter, who, when all is over, dine with him in the Room below Stairs: Behind this Hospital is a very fine Garden, adorn’d with Fountains, Grotto’s, and a fine Orangery, kept in very good Order; which is for the Pensioners to walk in when they please: The late Bishop, who was in every thing magnificent, design’d to enlarge this Building with Four Pavilions, like to that subsisting, which would have form’d a fine Court in the middle: There are other Hospitals also at Wurtzbourg to the Number of 15 or 16, all so well endow’d, as fully proves the Good-nature and Wealth of the People of this Country.

After I had stay’d at Wurtzbourg, I embark’d on the Maine, in which is most pleasant Sailing betwixt Vineyards and fine Plains, that form a Prospect as agreeably diversify’d as can be wish’d: When I arriv’d at Francfort I heard of the Death of Madamoiselle de Pollnitz, to whose Estate in Holland I was joint Heir with my Brother, but her other Estates went to her Mother, who was still living.

From Francfort I went to Dusseldorp, where I found my Brother, who was still in an ill Humour with the Judges, for having made us lose our Cause: For my Part, as I was more inur’d to Disappointments, I endeavour’d to comfort him, and advis’d him to go to Berlin, and sell what Estate we had there: The Death of my dear Cousin set us at Liberty to proceed to this Sale; for now the Entail was only between my Brother and me: My Brother set out therefore for Berlin, and I went to Hambourg, to wait the Issue of the Sale: I stay’d there from November to Easter, and spent the Winter very happily: I have already had the Honour to acquaint you, speaking of this City, that here was generally good Company: But this Winter there was more than usual, most of the People of Quality that had Houses in the Neighbourhood coming thither to pass the Season, and there were moreover several Ministers sent to the Circle of Lower Saxony, who were for most Part charming good Company: Such a one was M. Poussin, the Envoy of France, who was really a Minister of great Parts and uncommon Merit: The other Envoys were all likewise choice Companions: Besides these Ministers there were several other Families at Hambourg where Foreigners of any tolerable Rank were perfectly well entertain’d: The Count de Nat, a Lieutenant-General in the Emperor’s Service, and formerly Minister of State to the Duke of Holstein, and General of his Forces, kept a grand House there, which was noted for one of the best in Hambourg, where was a great Resort of Company every Day without the least Confusion: And there was a charming Air of Liberty throughout, which receiv’d additional Lustre from the noble and gracious Deportment of the Countess, that Minister’s Wife, to all Strangers that came to her: I need not give you a more particular Account of this Lady; for I remember to have heard you speak of her, as a Person of distinguish’d Merit, and who, with a great Share of Wit, was to the utmost degree polite. The Count de Guldenstein made a considerable Figure also at Hambourg; his Table was delicate, and always furnish’d with the best of Company; judge, Madame, whether I could think the time tedious in a City, where from Morning till Night there was a continual Round of Pleasure: We din’d to Day at one House, To-morrow at another; and in the Afternoons there was Play, which was sometimes interrupted by Adjournments to the Opera, with which I was very well pleas’d: I found the Orchestre excellent, the Decorations noble, the Dances very well executed, the Actors richly dress’d, and such as endeavour’d to play their Parts for the best.

I set out from Hambourg with a numerous Company to go to the Fair of Kiel, which begins the next Day after Epiphany, and holds Three Weeks: All this time Hambourg is a perfect Desert, for every body hurries to this Fair, because ’tis there that they are commonly paid their Rents, that Leases are renew’d with the Farmers, and that Money is let out to Advantage: Tho’ I had no Business of this nature to transact there, yet I was determin’d not to stay behind so much good Company as went from Hambourg.

The Town itself is inconsiderable; it stands between Hills on an Arm of the Sea, where it forms a Lake, and washes the Walls of the Duke’s Castle, which is in very bad Repair, and quite unfurnish’d: And there’s a Garden to it, which is in as bad Order as the Building: This Town is so populous all the Fair-time, that ’tis difficult to get a Lodging: The Gentry meet every Evening at a House, where is Variety of Play, and very often there are Parties made for Supper, which is generally follow’d with a Ball: There is moreover a German Comedy, which, tho’ detestable, is well frequented.

After the Fair was over, I went and pass’d Two Days with a Friend of mine at an Estate of his Three Leagues from Kiel: Then I return’d to Hambourg, where I stay’d till Easter, and having receiv’d News from Berlin, that no Purchaser could be found who was willing to give so much Money for my Estate as I demanded; I resolv’d to go thither, in order to make some Settlement about it with my Brother; I kept there incog. as well as I could, for I made myself known to only Two or Three Friends besides my Steward: When my Business was done I set out from Berlin with my Brother, in order to go to his House at Zell; where I intended to stay till the proper Season for taking the Waters at Carelsbadt.

When that time came, I departed from Zell: I stay’d some time at Blankenberg, where the Empress’s Father and Mother then resided: This is no considerable Town: There is a Castle, which, by its Situation upon a very high Hill, is mightily inconvenient for the Duke’s Domestics, who all live in the Town: ’Tis an old Building, which the Father of the present Duke has caus’d to be repair’d and fitted up, as well as possible in the modern Taste: The Apartments are small, the only large one being a very beautiful Saloon, the Walls whereof are adorn’d with Pilasters, and Pictures between them of the Princes and Princesses, Parents to the Duke and Duchess: And at the End of the Saloon are Chimneys, over which are the Pictures of the Duke and Duchess themselves at full Length.

To this Castle is a very fine Park adjoining, in which the Duchess has a Menagery, or rather, a Farm-house, where she has a great Number of Cows that she sent for from Swisserland, in a Stable which is kept extraordinary clean.

The Duke and Duchess were so kind to me, that I long’d to be in their Service: I had no longer any Thoughts of being a Clergyman, and was then at entire Liberty to make serious Reflections upon all the Projects that had enter’d into my Head: Having then a Fancy to serve the Duke of Blankenberg, I took my Measures for that End almost as soon as I had thought of it: The Privy Counsellor undertook to speak for me, and at first he had a very favourable Answer, but at last it far’d with me in this Attempt, as it had in all the rest; I receiv’d a great many Compliments, and yet was deny’d.

After having stay’d awhile at Blankenberg, I took Leave of the Duke and Duchess: The Princess was so good as to accept of a Couple of very pretty Dogs I had brought with me; and me made me a Present of a Gold Medal worth 25 Ducats, stamp’d with the Effigy of the Duke her Husband, very much like him.

From Blankenberg I went to Barbi[35], where I had the Honour of waiting upon the Duke of Saxony, who commonly resides there: This Prince was heretofore in the Service of the late King of Prussia, when he was only Elector: He had left the Service a long time, and retir’d to his Town of Barbi, where he has erected a noble Castle, the Apartments of which are perfectly well furnish’d: There’s a superb Saloon, with a Chamber of Audience on one Side of it, and a Closet, that are both worth seeing; all the Furniture being of crimson Velvet embroider’d with Gold, of admirable Workmanship.

From Barbi I proceeded to Carelsbadt by the way of Leipsick: I was soon weary of using the Waters, because the Season was so far advanc’d, that most of the Water-Drinkers were gone: Having therefore nothing to write to you of any of the Acquaintance which is commonly made at Places of this nature, I shall only treat of Carelsbadt itself: ’Tis a very dirty Place, and inhabited only by Artificers, who work in old Iron: The Waters taken here are of Two Kinds, and they are distinguish’d by the Names of the Sproudel and the Muhlbadt: The Sproudel-Water is extremely hot, and gushes out of the Ground with a most vehement Stream, as big as a Man about the Waist: Its Waters are not only hot, but scalding hot, which is the more surprizing, because the Fountain from whence they flow, is on the Side of a River very rapid, and very cold: Yet, in the midst of this River, one sees mineral Waters, which smoak as if they were boiling in a Caldron.

As to the Muhlbadt ’tis but little more than lukewarm: ’Tis not very long that the Physicians have prescrib’d the Use of this Water, which formerly serv’d to wash diseased Cattle in with very good Success; but the Physicians taking the nature of this Water into Consideration, have since recommended it to those People who find the Waters of the Sproudel too violent in their Operation: I have made Use of both, and they work’d with me very well: They have no ill Taste; and ’tis certain, that if it were ever so little disagreeable, it would be impossible for People to drink so much of it, as they do every Day: The thing that I dislike them most for, is, that they must be taken in one’s Chamber, which must be also kept close shut up, because the Sproudel makes one sweat largely, so that were ever so little Air to be let into the Room, one should be in Danger of catching Rheumatisms: People scarce ever stir out till Three or Four Hours after they have done drinking the Waters; and the rest of the Day there’s an absolute Necessity of walking about to prevent sleeping, which after Dinner is dangerous: The worst on’t is, that as necessary as Walking is, there’s not one agreeable Place to walk in, the Walks being all extremely narrow, and nothing but Rocks to be seen, look which way one will: The finest Walk of all is in a square Place, which is planted with Rows of Lime-Trees: Opposite to this Square is a great House, where there are very fine Rooms, in which the Persons of Quality, who drink the Waters, assemble at Five o’Clock, and play till Eight, the Hour for Supper, at which Meal People ought to be very sparing; Regimen being one of the most necessary things to be observ’d in the Taking of those Waters.

When I had done taking them I set out Post for Prague, where I knew that their Imperial Majesties were to be present for their Consecration and Coronation: I arriv’d there the Day before their Majesties were to make their Entry, which was perform’d with great Magnificence, but would have been abundantly more pompous, if the bad Weather had not prevented the intended Cavalcade, which would have been one of the noblest Sights in the World: The Emperor propos’d to have enter’d this Capital on Horseback, at the Head of all the Nobility of Bohemia, and they had all laid out prodigious Sums in Horses and Equipages; but a monstrous Shower of Rain fell, which frustrated all the Preparations: Their Majesties made their Entry in a magnificent Coach lin’d with crimson Velvet, richly embroider’d with Gold: The Emperor, who sate alone in the Back part of it, was dress’d in a Habit of Silver Brocade embroider’d with Gold, with a Hat on in the Imperial Fashion, with straw-colour’d Plumes: The Empress, who sate over-against him, was dress’d in a green silver’d Stuff all cover’d with Diamonds: The Two young Archduchesses follow’d in another Coach, with the Princess of Aversberg their Governess in Company.

As soon as it was known in the City that their Majesties were coming, all the Bells were rung, the Cannon fir’d from the Ramparts, and the Burghers and Garison made several Salvo’s of the Small Arms: The Magistrates of the Three Towns which compose the City of Prague receiv’d their Majesties at the City Gates, where the chief Burgomaster of the Quarter call’d the Old Town gave them the Keys of the Three Towns, and congratulated them on their Arrival at the City of Prague: After he had ended his Speech, their Majesties were welcom’d a second time by the Cannon of the Ramparts, and by the Salvo’s of the Small Arms from the Burghers and the Garison: They then continued their March towards the Palace, and in their Passage met with the Friars and Nuns, who saluted them at the Gates of their several Convents: The Emperor and the Empress stopp’d their Coach every now-and-then, on Purpose to be seen by those Friars; but there was no Convent that was treated with so many Marks of Distinction as that of the Jesuits: They had the Honour of complimenting their Majesties in a Speech, with which they seem’d well satisfy’d: When they were arriv’d at the Palace, their Majesties alighted from the Coach, and went to the Metropolitan Church, which joins to the Palace: The Archbishop of Prague, at the Head of the Bishops his Suffragans and his Chapter, receiv’d them as they alighted out of the Coach, and after having complimented them in the Name of all the Clergy, he conducted them to their Praying-Desk, which was plac’d over-against the High Altar, and there their Majesties receiv’d the Blessing of the Holy Sacrament: After this there was a Te Deum, during which there was a triple Discharge of the Cannon and Small Arms: This done, they retir’d to their Apartments thro’ a cover’d Gallery, which runs from the Church to the Castle: At Night they supp’d in public with the Two young Archduchesses.

Next Day their Majesties receiv’d the Compliments of the Three Estates of the Kingdom: On the following Days the Court return’d to their old Custom; I mean, they liv’d at Prague, after the same manner as they did at Vienna, till every thing was ready for the Ceremonies of the Consecration and Coronation, which were to be perform’d on Two different Days.

Mean time I amus’d myself in viewing what was most remarkable in the Town, and had Reason to be very well pleas’d with the Steps, which I was oblig’d to take to be well acquainted with this Capital[36], which may in my Opinion be reckon’d among the first Towns in Europe: It stands in a pleasant and fruitful Country, and the Palace and Pleasure-houses round it form a sort of Amphitheatre, which the River of Moldaw divides into Two Parts, that are join’d by one of the finest Bridges in the World.

Prague is divided into Three Parts, viz. The Old Town, which alone is as big as the other two Thirds of the City, namely, The Little Town and The New Town: In the Little Town stands the Metropolitan Church, and the Castle of the Kings of Bohemia, upon a Hill which they call Ratschin: This is the first Quarter of Prague that one comes to from Nuremberg or Carelsbadt.

The Metropolitan would be a great and noble Church, if it was finish’d; or rather, if it was rebuilt; for ’twas burnt by the Swedes in 1648; what remains of it is inconsiderable, excepting however some very fine Chapels, that contain the Relics of certain Saints, for whom Bohemia has a singular Veneration: Such is the Chapel in which rests the Body of St. Wenceslaus King of Bohemia, by whom the Church was founded: This Saint is the Patron of Bohemia, and the whole Kingdom has a great Confidence in his Intercession: On one Side of the Choir is a stately Mausoleum, which contains the Body of St. John Nepomucene, who was beatify’d in 1721 with very great Pomp, in Presence of the Empress, who was at the Charge of the Ceremony: The City of Prague, in order to do Honour to the Memory of this Saint, has caus’d his Statue in Brass, as big as the Life, to be erected upon the Bridge, from whence the Emperor Wenceslaus, surnam’d the Nero and Caligula of Germany, threw him into the Moldaw, because that Friar, who was his Empress’s Confessor, refus’d to reveal her Confession to him.

The Palace of the Kings of Bohemia, which joins to the Metropolitan Church, is a Heap of several Pavilions without any Regularity, and without much Ornament: The Inside is as ordinary as the Outside, yet for a little Expence it might easily be made a tolerable Structure: The only thing I observ’d here that could be call’d magnificent, was the Situation of it, for from their Majesties Apartments there’s the finest View that can be imagin’d.

As one goes from the Palace upon the same Hill, one sees the great Houses of Schwartzenbourg, Martinitz, and Tschermin, which are noble Buildings, and most richly furnish’d: The last especially has more the Air of a Sovereign’s Palace than of the House of a Subject; and he that inhabits it is one of the richest in the Emperor’s Hereditary Dominions: I heard say, that he lent the Emperor 1500,000 Florins, which makes Three Millions of French Livres, when the Exchange is at Par.

I went down the Hill Ratschin to go farther into the City: And on the Descent of it I saw at the Right Hand the Palace of Kinski, which belongs to the Great Chancellor of Bohemia; and at the Left Hand the Palace of the Count de Collobradt, surnam’d the Bulky, and very justly so, for I don’t think he has his Fellow in the World; and yet it may be expected, that he will be bigger still, for he is as yet but 24 Years old. These Two Houses are very beautiful, but yet they are somewhat eclipsed by the Palaces of Colloredo, Wallenstein, and the Count Francis-Charles de Collobradt: The Palace of this latter excells the others in Contrivance and Magnificence, and is adorn’d throughout with very fine Gildings and Paintings, done by the best Masters: The Apartments are richly furnish’d, and neither Gold has been spar’d, nor Pier-Glasses, of which there’s a great Number, and yet not so many as to confound the Sight: To this House belongs a very fine Garden, which is kept in good Order, and at the End of it is a Hill, the Declivity whereof is soften’d by several Terraces cut out on it, which form very pleasant Walks, especially when ’tis consider’d, that all this is in the middle of a City.

I went afterwards to see the Old Town, to which one must pass over a noble Stone-Bridge, and the only one at Prague: The Piles of this Bridge are adorn’d with the Statues of several Saints; and some that compose noble Groupes: Among these Statues is that of St. John Nepomucene, at the Foot of which are People always at Prayers. On the same Side, but nearer the old City, is a great Crucifix of Copper gilt, which the Jews were compell’d to set up in this Place, as a Punishment for some Crimes they had committed.

At the End of the Bridge stands the Gate of the Old Town: The first thing one observes there, is the Great Convent and College of the Jesuits: ’Tis a prodigious Building, and worthy of a Society so considerable: Beyond that I saw a magnificent Palace, which they told me belongs to the Count de Gallasch, Son to the Count of the same Name, who died Viceroy of Naples: ’Tis one of the finest Buildings in Prague, setting aside its Situation, which is not the best: There are many other Palaces and magnificent Houses, the particular Description of which might be tedious: All that I shall say to you of this Part of the Town, is, that the Streets are very narrow, and withal darksome: The New Town is by far superior; the Streets are spacious and beautiful, and the whole Quarter is much better built than the other Two.

The City of Prague and the Kingdom of Bohemia in general have formerly been subject to great Revolutions: The Hussites committed sad Disorders there, and had like to have ruin’d the whole Country by their Cabals; so that there was a Necessity of drawing the Sword against them, and when they were totally extirpated, the Protestants of Luther’s Communion became so powerful there, that they presum’d, under Pretence of Religion, to revolt from the Emperor Ferdinand their Sovereign: They ran tumultuously to the Castle, and having made themselves Masters of it, they threw the Emperor’s Commissioners, who then held their Assembly there, out of the Windows of the Hall: Those on the Spot were the Barons de Slavata and de Martinitz; and the Secretary Fabricius had the same Fate; but happily for all Three, there was not one of them wounded: After this Coup d’Eclat the Rebels rais’d Troops, solemnly protested against the Election of Ferdinand II. to the Empire, and offer’d the Crown of Bohemia to Frederic V. Elector and Count Palatine of the Rhine: This Prince could not easily determine himself to receive a Crown, which he could not so soon expect to possess in Quiet; but his Wife, who was the Daughter of James I. King of England, did not amuse herself with any such Reflections and probably upon the Principle, That to reign is glorious, tho’ it were only for a Moment: This Princess so wrought upon the Elector, that the said Prince, for Want of knowing his own Interest better, consented at length to put himself at the Head of the Rebels, who had the Assurance to crown him with Solemnity in the Metropolitan Church of Prague: The Emperor, justly provok’d at the Behaviour of his Subject, sent Troops to reduce them to Reason: Frederic, on his Part, put himself at the Head of a considerable Army; but ’twas impossible for him to stand before the Emperor’s Troops; which being commanded by the famous Tilly, beat him to such a Degree, that he thought himself very happy, that he could retire with the Queen his Wife, and abandon the Throne to his lawful Sovereign: This Rebellion involv’d Germany in that unhappy War call’d, The War of Thirty Years; because in Fact it lasted so long, till a Period was put to it by the Peace of Westphalia.

During the Course of this War Bohemia had frequent Cause to repent that it ever was the Occasion of it: The City of Prague, and in particular the Little Town, was almost intirely plunder’d and burnt in 1648 by the Swedes, who were introduced into it by one Ottowalsky, then a Captain of Horse in the Service of the Emperor Ferdinand III. This Officer having conceiv’d a Disgust at something, made a Trip to Koningsmark the Swedish General, and offer’d to introduce him to Prague, if he would follow him with his Army: For this Purpose he told him, that the Citizens were intirely secure against any Apprehension of an Attack from the Swedes; and that they were fully persuaded, they would never venture to make the least Attempt, considering the Handful of Soldiers which their Army consisted of. Koningsmark relish’d Ottowalsky’s Project, and on the Day fix’d he follow’d him with his little Army, which did not amount to above 3000 Men: He found every thing true that his Guide had told him, and in the Night-time enter’d the Place by a Bridge, that serv’d to carry over the Materials employ’d in the new Fortifications: Koningsmark push’d on directly to the Castle, which he enter’d with the same Ease as he had enter’d the Town: But by good Luck the Emperor happen’d at that time to be gone from thence for awhile to Lintz: The Swedes plunder’d the Castle and the City for Three Days successively; and they took so considerable a Booty, that Colloredo, who commanded in the Place, lost to his own Share about 1200,000 Crowns: While the Swedes were busy in plundering that call’d the Little Town, the Alarm spread over the River to the Old Town, where the Burghers and Garison ran to their Arms, and by that means preserv’d their Quarter from the Fate which threaten’d them: Mean time the Swedes made extraordinary Efforts to get over to them, and ’tis even said, that they would probably have succeeded, had it not been for the Jesuits, who perceiving that the Garison and Burghers were in Danger of being overpower’d, arm’d their Scholars, and sent them out to their Assistance.

The City of Prague is now secure from such Insults, having good Walls and excellent Ramparts, well furnish’d with Cannon: The Castle is likewise very well fortify’d: A Citadel has been also built for the Defence of the New Town, and as none but Catholics are suffer’d to live there, the Protestants, who are absolutely excluded out of it, would find it a difficult Task to foment another Rebellion there.

After I had spent some time at Prague, and found that the Ceremony of their Majesties Coronation would not be perform’d so soon as expected, I resolv’d to be gone: Having already laid out a good deal of Money at Prague, I reflected with myself, that if I stay’d there any longer, it might be out of my Power to answer all my Schemes: For you must know, Madame, that I set out from Berlin with a considerable Sum of Money, and with a Design, while I was so well able, to pay off all my Creditors: I began with those in Holland, and for this Purpose went to the Hague about the latter End of August, and stay’d there till February: The first Visit I paid was to my dear Madame Pyll, who had been so generous a Friend to me, that I could not avoid paying her off first: I then made several small Payments up and down, by which means the Debts I had contracted in this Country were quickly discharg’d; and being still pretty strong in Cash, I pass’d my Time at the Hague as well as I could have done at the most splendid Court; My Debts in this Country being now clear’d, and the Ease with which I had satisfy’d other Debts that were standing out farther off, gave me that Tranquillity of Mind which I had not enjoy’d for a long time; and tho’ I had yet no fix’d Establishment, I thought what a great Happiness it was for a Man to be even with the World.

My Brother came to me at the Hague, from whence we set out together for Zell, where I stay’d till the Return of the fine Weather, and then resolv’d to go a second time to Carelsbadt, not so much for the Sake of the Waters as to see the Company there, which is always numerous, and of the best Sort, when one goes earlier thither than I did the first time: There was a prodigious Concourse there this bout, and all Persons of the greatest Distinction: I had the Honour there of paying my Compliments to the Elector of Triers, and the Margravine of Anspach, who came thither for the Waters.

From Carelsbadt I cross’d the Rhine, to that Side of it where I had been offer’d a Settlement; but, upon mature Consideration, I resolv’d to preserve my Liberty, and lest my Philosophy should flag in the Sentiments of that Independency which it inspir’d me with, I set out immediately, for fear of being engag’d in a sort of Combat, wherein there’s no gaining the Victory but by Flight.

I pass’d thro’ Bareith[37], where I had the Honour of paying my Respects to the Margrave and the Margravine, who receiv’d me with all the Complaisance possible: The Margrave is a tall handsome Man, and serv’d in the last Wars with very great Distinction: This Prince is fond of Pleasure and Magnificence, for which Reason his Court is one of the most numerous and splendid in Germany; and it has an Air of Grandeur throughout, from which all manner of Constraint is intirely banish’d: The Margravine has all the Qualities that a great Princess can possibly desire; she is one of the finest Ladies in Germany, is tall, perfectly handsome, and has a Presence, which at first Sight denotes her Dignity: ’Tis pity this Princess had not given a Male Heir to her Dominions; for she has yet but one Child, a Daughter, and if there are no Princes, the Prince of Culmbach will be Heir of the Margrave’s Dominions: The deceased King of Prussia had bought the Reversion, by which he cut off the Margraves of Culmbach; but after his Majesty’s Death those Princes entring their Protest against a Bargain that had been struck to their Prejudice, the present King has compounded the Matter with them; and by virtue of the Accommodation the Princes of Culmbach are engag’d to pay a considerable Sum to the King at different Terms, one of which elaps’d at the Death of the Margrave of Bareith, as the other will do when the young Prince of Anspach also dies, because then his Dominions revert in like manner to the Princes of Culmbach.

I follow’d the Margrave’s Court to Himmelscron, which is one of his Hunting-Seats: ’Twas formerly a Convent, and since turn’d into a Castle, which is charmingly situated on a little Hill, inviron’d with Meadows, where the Margrave had a Camp of 2000 Men of his own Troops, which were all in good Condition, and they appear’d to me to be nicely disciplin’d: His Officers are all Men of Merit, and a good Mien: On the Side of the Meadow where the Camp was, is a Mall, planted with Four Rows of Elms, the finest that are to be seen: At the End of this Mall, which is one of the longest in Europe, is a Play-house, and about the middle of this Mall a very large Pavilion, with a Room where the Prince and Princess play’d every Night with the Nobility of their Court.

The Margrave’s Table, which was always magnificently serv’d, especially at Dinner, is made in Form of a Horse-shoe: The Princess always sate in the middle, having on her Left Hand the Princess her Daughter and the young Princess of Culmbach, and on her Right the Ladies of her Court and the Gentlemen: The Margrave sate over-against her in the Inside of the Horse-shoe, with several Gentlemen on his Right and Left Hand: Besides the Margrave’s Table, there were Two others for Sixteen Guests each in another Room, for such Gentlemen as could not be admitted to the Table of the Margrave: After the Fruit was serv’d, a great Salver was set upon the Table with a Coffee-pot and Cups, all of Silver, and every one there drank Coffee without rising from the Table.

Immediately after Dinner was over, the Margravine and the Princesses retired, but the Margrave stay’d in the Room to talk with the Courtiers: This Prince commonly stood, leaning only against a Table, and the Conversation was spirited every now-and-then by the Circulation of Bumpers: The Margrave was a good Toper, but he left every Person that attended him to his free Liberty.

About Six o’Clock, when the Princess was near upon going out, the Margrave went to the Mall where there was Play at Ombre or Picquet till Supper-time, after which they return’d to the Castle. The Prince had another very fine House just without Bareith, which is call’d Brandebourg: It stands on the Side of a great Lake, where are several Galleys, Yachts and Gondola’s, which he often engages in Combats with one another; and of this he gave us a very noble Representation, from a Theatre built on the Side of the Lake, so that when the Bottom of it was laid open, the Theatre appears level with the Lake, and has a Prospect of it for half a League.

In the middle of the Lake is an Island with a Fortification, which the Margrave orders his Troops every now-and-then to attack and defend, on Purpose to refresh their Memories with the military Evolutions.

About half a League from this House is another, call’d the Hermitage, because no Persons can go to it, but such as are appointed; and likewise, because all the time that the Margrave stays there, the Prince, Princess and all their Retinue are dress’d like Hermits: An Avenue leads to this House, at the End of which is a large Grotto representing Mount Parnassus, with Apollo, the Nine Muses, and Pegasus, forming so many Fountains: This Mount is open on the Four Sides, and gives Passage into a Court, or rather a Square, where there are several Rows of Trees: The middle Walk leads to the Castle, the Architecture whereof is perfectly rustic, and it seems to have been built out of the very Rock: At the Entrance of it one meets with a very fine Work, adorn’d with Shell-work and several Statues representing the Rivers and Nymphs: As we go out of the Grotto we enter into a little square Garden-Plot, which is encompass’d with a rustic Building, and at the End of the Garden is the main Pavilion, with Two Wings, which communicate with another by means of a magnificent Saloon, fac’d all over with Marble: The Right Wing of the Saloon contains an Apartment consisting of several Chambers, which belongs to the Margrave, who is Father-Superior of the Hermits; and on the same Side are a Dozen Cells for as many Hermits: On the opposite Side is the same Number of Apartments for the Margravine and the Hermit-Ladies: The great Saloon serves for the Refectory, where the Hermits of both Sexes have their Meals.

The Garden is large, and kept in very good Order: At the End of it is a Cascade, that falling from the Top of a Hill, has a charming Effect: On the Sides of the Cascade are Terraces, and very commodious Slopings, furnish’d on both Sides with a Palisade of Yoke-Elms that is breast-high; and on each Side are Fir-trees, with Paths between them, each of which leads to a Pavilion, whereof every Hermit has one: These Pavilions are built and furnish’d after the manner of a Hermitage: The Hermits were oblig’d to retire thither after Dinner, in order to observe a profound Silence; but this Custom is mitigated in some measure, and they are now at Liberty to visit one another: The Superior and the Superioress commonly pay them a Visit: Towards the time of Recreation the Superioress tinkles her Bell, to which the Prioress answers by her’s, and the Hermits of both Sexes tinkle their’s also, as a Token that they have heard their Summons to their Superior. When they are arriv’d there, they go out together, and repair to the Place of Recreation, where they amuse themselves with all manner of Play, and at the Hour of Supper they repair to the Refectory: Sometimes the Hermit-Ladies regale the Prior with Dishes of their own preparing in the Superioress’s Kitchen: The Hermits for their own Part may take the Pleasure of Hunting: You perceive, Madame, that ’tis pleasant Living enough in such a Solitude, and that there’s nothing too severe in its Statutes. When the Court have spent their appointed Time at the Hermitage, they all return to Bareith.

After I had been thus an Eye-Witness of the free and easy Life that People lead at the Court of the Margrave, I took Leave of the Prince and Princess, with a Design to proceed in my Journey, not so much to seek an Employment, as to satisfy the Debts, which I had been oblig’d to contract at a time, when they allowed me no more out of my Estate than barely what they could not possibly take away from me: Here, Madame, I conclude the Account of my Rambles. How tedious soever a Narrative of so little Concern may appear to you, be so good as not to take it amiss of me, and to consider, that I wrote it only in Obedience to Orders often repeated: Some Person more self-interested might have scrupled such Obedience; nor did I want Reasons to alledge for my Excuse; only I was afraid lest such obstinate Silence on my Part should be deem’d unworthy of that profound Respect, with which I am, and ever shall be,

Madame,
Your Most Humble,
And Most Obedient Servant,
De Pollnitz.

APPENDIX.

THE
Profession of FAITH,

Deliver’d to His Eminency, the

Cardinal —— at Rome.

Translated from the Italian.

My Lord,

Ever since there was a Diversity of Religions in the World, the Conduct of Persons that have chang’d one for another has been liable to the Censure of those whose Communion they abandon, and given Rise to Variety of Reflections among People of that new Communion which they embrace; and a Reproach has been often cast upon Proselytes, that either Interest or Ignorance was the Cause of their Change: What the World will think of me for renouncing the Heresy of Calvin, and taking up with what I thought the soundest Doctrine; that is to say, for entering into the Bosom of that Church to which the Heterodoxy of my Ancestors had made me a Stranger, I know not: But be it what it will, I am ever ready to account to all Mankind for an Action, of which I revere the Remembrance; and which I am only sorry, I had not done sooner.

As to Interest, I don’t think it can possibly be said, that it had any Share in my Conversion: For the Light that I stood in with the King of Prussia, the Rank I bore at his Court, either upon the Score of my Family, or for the Employments I had there, and the Wealth and Fortune of which I was Possessor; all these Advantages, compar’d with the Situation I am in at present, must convince the World, that Interest was not the Motive which engag’d me to change my Religion.

As to Ignorance; I should be vain indeed if I thought myself a Man of Learning, or if I aim’d at the Character: However, I will venture to say, that I am not ignorant of any of the principal Articles of the Orthodox Religion which I profess: For this I appeal to your Lordship, as you are my Bishop, in Quality of Vicar General of Upper and Lower Saxony, with which his Holiness has dignify’d you: I intreat, that you will be pleas’d to give your Attention to the Confession of Faith which I have hereunto annex’d: Pray, my Lord, examine whether it be orthodox, since to your Judgment I intirely refer it; and if there unluckily happens to be any thing in it which is not conformable to the Sentiments of the Catholic Religion, I absolutely submit myself to your Decision; the rather, because I shall always count it an Honour to be one of your Diocesans, and ever be desirous from the Bottom of my Soul to improve by your Lordship’s Instructions.

Upon reading that Passage of the Apostle to the Ephesians, Chap. iv. Ver. 5. Unus Dominus, una Fides, unum Baptisma; i. e. One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism; I enquir’d, what was the true Faith: And when I had divested myself of all Opinions which I had imbib’d from my Education, the very first Reflection that I made led me to examine into the Origin of the pretended Reformed Religion, and after what manner it began. I found, that in all Countries Interest, Ambition, Licentiousness, Revenge were the Motives that gave Rise to the Establishment of that Religion: I scrutiniz’d the Lives and Morals of the Leaders of those Sects; and discover’d, that they were generally passionate Men, inclin’d to Choler, addicted to sensual Pleasures, Men that led irregular Lives, and made no Account of their Promises. Consequently I could not persuade myself, that God would have made Choice of such Persons for reforming his Church, supposing even that it stood in need of it: I carry’d my Reflections farther; I consider’d the Disagreement between the very Pretenders to Reformation, and perceiv’d, that their Body is a Body without a Head, where every Prince, and every Sovereign makes himself Arbiter of the Articles of Faith, and assumes to himself the Authority of the Pope: Every Parson is with them a Bishop, every one explains the Holy Scripture after his own way, and in the Sense that he himself understands it; and every one adopts to himself a particular System of religious Principles and Opinions; they are Sheep without a Shepherd: In short, the Pretenders to Reformation are continually at Variance with each other; they reject and condemn one another’s Doctrines, and never agree, but when they act in Opposition to the Pope, or the Catholics. Moreover, their Religion is not now, what it was at the Time of its Establishment: The Calvinists were formerly unanimous in the Belief of Predestination: But now there’s hardly any of them of that Opinion, except the Swiss and Dutch: The others reject it, as to the Point of Salvation, and only allow of it with regard to the Hour of Death, and the Accidents of Life, which, according to them, are fix’d by inevitable Destiny. Heretofore also, both the Lutherans and Calvinists agreed universally, that Salvation was attainable in the Catholic Religion; but now they think otherwise; and for some Years past, they have thought fit to declare in their Writings, that the Catholics are damned.

I also reflected on the Number of different Sects that are sprung out of the Two Religions, and did not find one of them but what flatter’d themselves with a Conceit, that their’s was the true Religion, tho’ they were all of opposite Sentiments to each other: I could not imagine, how these Divisions could be the Mark of the true Church; it being impossible to conceive, that a Church under such Direction can be the true Church.

When I afterwards came to consider the Establishment and Ordination of their Ministers, I could not look upon them as such, being persuaded, as St. Paul says, That Bishops are of divine Institution; and that they alone have the Power of ordaining Priests.

Tradition, which is rejected by the Protestants in all Points where it makes against them, but espous’d by them when it seems in their Favour, was an Article which I thought requir’d my utmost Regard. For really when the Protestants say, they don’t believe Tradition, methinks they are inconsistent with themselves in receiving the Holy Scripture, and taking it for the Word of God, because this is a Truth, which they cannot know but by Tradition: And if they allow of Tradition with regard to the Scripture, Why don’t they admit of it when religious Tenets are the Points in Question? How can they know, unless it be by Tradition, that the Books of the Maccabees, Esther, Esdras and Ecclesiasticus are Apocryphal, and not Canonical? Who told them, that the rest of the Bible was dictated by the Holy Spirit? In short, Who gave them Authority to reject those other Books? What Motive could have induc’d them to it, unless it was, that those very Books prove Things to them, which they are not willing to believe? In short, I look’d into Calvinism for some Marks of the true Church, but could find none; because the true Church must be one, and united to Jesus Christ in the same manner as the Body is to the Head; and because ’tis Jesus Christ who founded the Church, who own’d it for his Spouse, for the Daughter of God the Father, and at the same time to be the only infallible Church.

Having discovered none of these Marks in the Protestant Religion, and finding them, on the other hand, in the Catholic Religion, I could not help thinking the latter to be the only one in which I might hope for my Salvation: This was what determin’d me to study the Doctrines of it, and these that follow are what I have conceiv’d in my Mind, and what I firmly believe in.

I. I receive the Holy Scriptures intire without the least Diminution, and believe them to be of Divine Inspiration. I believe, that Moses and the Prophets, the Evangelists and the Apostles wrote them by the same Inspiration. I give the same Explanation to the Holy Scriptures as the Catholic Church does, which alone has the Right of interpreting them. I believe also, that those same Scriptures are the Basis and Foundation of Religion, and that none but those who can explain them as the Church does, ought to read them.

II. Upon the Evidence of the Holy Scriptures, I believe in one God alone, the most perfect of all Beings; a Spirit pure, free, disengag’d from all Matter; which knows all Things, is infinitely wise, omnipotent, unspeakably gracious and merciful, just and holy; who suffereth not Sin to go unpunish’d, and who cannot change; who is of infinite Glory and Majesty; who is the eternal and inexhaustible Source of Goodness and Charity, and from whom proceedeth every thing that is good and perfect; who diffuseth himself in all his Creatures; who is the Father of all Things, and who of his infinite Mercy vouchsafed to give us his only Son for our Salvation.

III. I believe in the most Holy Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, who, tho’ Three distinct Persons, are nevertheless but One God: These three Persons are eternal, and equal in Majesty and Glory.

IV. I call the Father, God the Father, because the same Scripture gives him that Title, Deut. xxxii. Ver. 6. Is not He thy Father that hath bought thee? Hath he not made thee, and established thee? And in another Passage, Mal. ii. Ver. 10. Have we not all one Father? Hath not one God created us? The New Testament also gives him the same Appellation: In the Epistle to the Romans, Chap. viii. Ver. 15. St. Paul says, For ye have not received the Spirit of Bondage again to fear; but ye have received the Spirit of Adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. Behold, (says St. John, I Ep. Chap. iii. Ver. 1.) what manner of Love the Father hath bestowed upon us, that we should be called the Sons of God: Therefore the World knoweth us not, because it knew him not.

V. I believe in Jesus Christ, the only Son of God, and God himself; by whom all Things were made, who has created Heaven and Earth, whom the Angels adore and glorify; who knows the Hearts of Men; whose Power is everlasting, and who vouchsafed to come into the World to be our Saviour and our Redeemer.

VI. I believe in Jesus the Son of God, because the Belief of this Truth is the Basis of our Salvation, and of our Redemption. Besides, we are assur’d of this by the Holy Scriptures. St. John says in his first Epistle, Chap. iv. Ver. 15. Whosoever shall confess that Jesus is the Son of God, God dwelleth in Him, and He in God. Jesus Christ, speaking of himself, says in St. Matthew, Chap. xvi. Ver. 17. Blessed art thou Simon Barjona, for Flesh and Blood hath not revealed it unto Thee, but my Father which is in Heaven.

VII. I believe, that the Holy Ghost is God as well as the Father, and as the Son; that he is like them from all Eternity; that he is equal with them; that he is infinitely perfect; that he is the Sovereign Good, the Sovereign Wisdom: that he has the same Essence, the same Nature with the Father and the Son, from whom he proceedeth from all Eternity.

VIII. I believe likewise in the Holy Ghost, upon the Evidence of the sacred Scriptures, which give him this Name upon several Occasions, but more particularly in the New Testament than in the Old. In the New Testament we are commanded to be baptized In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Matt. Chap, xxviii. Ver. 19. St. Peter said to Ananias and Saphira, Acts Chap. v. Ver. 3. Ananias, Why hath Satan filled thine Heart to lie to the Holy Ghost? And a little after he said, Thou hast not lied unto Men, but unto God: He here gives the Appellation of God, to him whom he had call’d but just before the Holy Ghost. St. Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, Chap. xii. Ver. 6. after having spoke of God, says, that ’tis of the Holy Spirit that he had been speaking. And there are Diversities of Operations, but it is the same God which worketh all in all. And then he adds in the Eleventh Verse, But all these worketh that one and the self-same Spirit, dividing to every Man severally as he will. Finally, the Scripture commonly joins the Person of the Holy Ghost with the Father and the Son, as I have already said, speaking of Baptism. And in Ordination it makes Use of the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost: It ascribes to him, whatever we think agreeable to God alone: It gives him, for Instance, Temples; Know ye not, (says St. Paul, 1 Cor. Chap. vi. Ver. 19.) that your Body is the Temple of the Holy Ghost, which is in you? The same Scripture also ascribes to it the Power of sanctifying and quickening our Souls, of penetrating into what is the most secret in the Godhead, of speaking by the Oracles of the Prophets; and finally, of being omnipresent: Those are the Attributes of God alone, and such as are only suitable to him. I therefore make no Scruple to believe, that the Holy Ghost is truly God, as well as the Father and the Son; that he is the Third Person of the most Holy Trinity; and that, as such, I ought to worship, pray to him, and praise him.

IX. I firmly and religiously believe, that God is the Creator of all Things visible and invisible; that his Power is infinite, and that nothing induc’d him to create the World, but his mere Goodness, which he was indeed pleas’d to communicate to the Things that he created: He form’d the Body of Man from the Clay of the Earth, and dispos’d it in such a manner, that it was capable of being immortal and impassible, not by its own Nature, but thro’ special Grace. As to our Soul, he made it after his own Image and Likeness, he gave it Free Will, and so temper’d its Inclinations and Desires, that it was intirely subject to Reason; and besides all these Advantages, he also gave it original Righteousness: But Adam, the common Father of all Men, for not observing the Injunction that God had laid upon him not to eat of the Fruit of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil, forfeited, as to himself and his Descendants too, that Righteousness in which he had been created: By Consequence all the Human Race was depriv’d of that Dignity and Excellency in which he was created; and since this Fall it was not possible for Mankind to be restor’d to its primitive State by any Power whatsoever, not even by the Angels themselves; so that, for the Remedy of our Misfortunes, there was an absolute Necessity that the Son of God by his Almighty Efficacy should come and unite himself to our frail Nature, to destroy the infinite Malignity of Sin, and to reconcile God to us by shedding his Blood, as he has done for us; for which may he be for ever glorify’d.

X. I constantly and firmly believe, that God discover’d himself to Moses, that he reveal’d to him every thing that is contain’d in the Book of Genesis, and that he gave him the Table of the Ten Commandments: I believe with St. Augustin, that the Decalogue is the Summary of all Laws: I believe also, as Jesus Christ himself teaches in St. Matthew, Chap. xxii. Ver. 40. That on these Two Commandments, the Love of God, and the Love of one’s Neighbour, hang all the Law and the Prophets.

XI. I believe, that ’tis an indispensable Duty to obey the Law of God; because God himself is the Author of it, and because Jesus Christ has confirm’d and declar’d the same by his own Mouth. I believe also, that whosoever would be sav’d, must obey his Commandments: To think otherwise would be Impiety.

XII. Besides the Commandments of God, I believe ’tis absolutely necessary to believe in the Creed, as it was receiv’d by the Fathers of the Council of Trent. I acknowledge that Council to be œcumenical: I receive all the Decisions of it without Exception; and I deem them all to be orthodox, and to be sure Rules for conducting me to my Salvation.

XIII. I believe in God, the Father Almighty, Maker of Heaven and Earth; and in Jesus Christ, his only Son our Lord, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried; he descended into Hell; the Third Day he rose again from the Dead, he ascended into Heaven, and sitteth at the Right Hand of God, the Father Almighty; from thence he shall come to judge the Quick and the Dead. I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Catholic Church, the Communion of Saints, the Forgiveness of Sins, the Resurrection of the Body, and the Life everlasting.

Having already mention’d the Reasons why I believe in God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I will say no more upon this Head, and proceed to other Articles of the Creed.

XIV. In the Creed our Saviour is call’d Lord; for since God the Son is everlasting, as well as God the Father, so he is Lord of all Things, as is God the Father. Jesus Christ, as Man, is also for several Reasons call’d Lord: First of all, because he is our Redeemer, and has deliver’d us from our Sins; which made St. Paul say in his Epistle to the Philippians, Chap. ii. Ver. 8, 9, 10, 11. And being found in Fashion as a Man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto Death, even the Death of the Cross: Wherefore God also hath highly exalted him, and given him a Name which is above every Name; that at the Name of Jesus every Knee should bow, of things in Heaven, and Things in Earth, and Things under the Earth: And that every Tongue should confess, that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the Glory of God the Father. Jesus Christ says also, speaking of himself, in St. Matthew, Chap. xxviii. Ver. 18. All Power is given unto me in Heaven and in Earth. In short, considering the Favours we have receiv’d from Jesus Christ, Are we not his true Slaves? Is it not He who has redeemed us? Is it not He that is our Lord? Ought we not to be for ever at the Service of our Redeemer?

XV. I believe, that he was conceiv’d of the Holy Ghost, and born of the Virgin Mary.

By these Words I confess, that when Jesus Christ, the Son of God, our only Lord, did for our Sakes take the human Nature upon him in the Womb of the Virgin Mary, he was not conceiv’d after the common manner of other Men, but in a supernatural way; that is to say, by the Operation of the Holy Ghost; so that the same Person being still God, as he had been from all Eternity, became Man, tho’ he was not so before. St. John says upon this Head, Chap. i. Ver. 1. In the Beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. And he adds afterwards, Ver. 14. And the Word was made Flesh, and dwelt among us.

XVI. I believe, that he was conceiv’d by the Operation of the Holy Ghost. By these Words I don’t understand, that the said Person alone wrought the Mystery of the Incarnation. ’Tis true, that the Son alone assum’d the human Nature; but then ’tis as true, that the Three Persons of the most Holy Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, equally contributed to this Mystery: Every Thing which God does, is the common Action of the Three Persons; they have all an equal Share in it, and the one never acts without the other. The only thing which is not common to them is, the Manner in which one Person proceeds from the other; the Son alone is ingender’d of the Father, and the Holy Ghost proceedeth both from the Father and the Son. Finally, I believe, that this Conception is miraculous, and I humbly adore the Mystery of it, without presuming to penetrate into it, the very Attempt of which would put me in Danger of being cast away.

XVII. I believe, that he was born of the Virgin Mary.

These Words teach me, that Jesus Christ was born as a Man is, and that I am oblig’d to honour the Virgin Mary as the Mother of God, which I do accordingly with the profoundest Respect, and with an intire Confidence, because the Protection of the Holy Virgin is the best Protection that I can chuse, next to Jesus Christ.

XVIII. I believe, that suffer’d under Pontius Pilate, that he was crucified, that he died, and that he was buried.

The Belief of this Article is of absolute Necessity; and a Person can never think of it too much, because ’tis as the Basis which supports the Catholic Faith and Religion; and really when this Article is established, all the rest is prov’d easily. For this Reason I firmly believe, that Jesus Christ was put upon the Cross for our Salvation: I believe also, that in the inferior Part of the Soul he felt all the Torments which he was made to suffer, because he was truly Man: I believe also that he suffer’d great Pains of the Mind; such Pains as forc’d him to utter these Words in Matt. Chap. xxvi. Ver. 38. My Soul is exceeding sorrowful, even unto Death. As to the Death of Jesus Christ, I believe, that he actually dy’d upon the Cross; because all the Evangelists say, he there yielded up the Ghost: Tho’ I am persuaded that his Soul was separated from his Body, I believe also, that the Deity was still united to his Body in the Sepulchre, and to his Soul in Hell. Jesus Christ died, to the end that, as the Apostle says to the Hebrews, Chap. ii. Ver. 14, 15. He might destroy him that had the Power of Death, that is the Devil, and deliver them, who, through Fear of Death, were all their Life-time subject to Bondage. But the Death of Jesus Christ was voluntary; he went himself to meet Death, and he himself determin’d the Place and Time of his Death, as is plainly prov’d by the Words of the Prophet Isaiah, And the Lord said the same Thing unto himself before he suffered. He was offer’d up, because he desir’d it, and our Lord says himself, speaking of his Passion, in St. John, Chap. x. Ver. 17, 18. I lay down my Life that I might take it again: No Man taketh it from me, but I lay it down of myself. I have Power to lay it down, and I have Power to take it again.

XIX. When I say, that Jesus Christ was buried; I believe not only that his Body was buried, but also that God himself was laid in the Sepulchre. For since the Deity never abandon’d the Body of our Saviour, which was laid in the Sepulchre, we are under a Necessity of owning, that God was buried.

XX. I believe, that Jesus Christ descended into Hell.

Hereby I understand, that when our Lord dy’d, his Soul descended into Hell, and stay’d there as long as his Body remain’d in the Sepulchre.

By the Descent into Hell, I understand, that our Lord actually descended into those Places where the Souls are detain’d, that have not yet receiv’d the eternal Beatitude; and thereby he has not only demonstrated, that every thing which he had said of his Divinity was true, but that he was also the Son of God, as he had before prov’d by Abundance of Prodigies and Miracles. Indeed all Men who descended into those secret Places, descended into them as Slaves, but Jesus Christ descended into them free and victorious; he destroy’d the Power of the Devils, who exercis’d their Tyranny, and retain’d the Souls of Men there, by reason of their Sins. Jesus Christ being victorious, releas’d those Souls out of the Prison in which they were languishing, as St. Paul affirms, when he says to the Colossians, Chap. ii. Ver. 15. And having spoiled Principalities and Powers, he made a Shew of them openly, triumphing over them in it.

XXI. I believe, that on the Third Day Jesus Christ rose again from the Dead: When I say, that our Lord rose again, I don’t only understand that he came to Life again, but that he also rose again by his own inherent Power; which is particularly correspondent with Jesus Christ, and also proves his Divinity; the rather, because the Resurrection of the Dead is contrary to the Order of Nature, there being no Person that has the Power of passing from Death to Life. St. Paul says upon this Head to the Corinthians, 2 Cor. Chap. xiii. Ver. 4. For though he was crucified through Weakness, yet he liveth by the power of God.

As the Godhead of Jesus Christ was never separated from his Body, he was able by his own Power to raise himself again, and to restore himself to Life. David had foretold this Truth, Psalm xcviii. Ver. 1. His Right Hand and his Holy Arm hath gotten him the Victory. Our Lord himself confirm’d this Truth, when he said in St. John, Chap. x. Ver. 17, 18. I lay down my Life, that I might take it again; and I have Power to take it again. In another Place he says, speaking to the Jews, St. John Chap. ii. Ver. 19. Destroy this Temple, and in Three Days I will raise it up.

When I say, that our Lord rose again the Third Day, I don’t therefore imagine, that he was Three intire Days in the Sepulchre; he was laid there on the Friday Night, and rose again the Sunday Morning following, which makes the Three Days. Jesus Christ plac’d this Interval between his Death and Resurrection, to shew, that he was truly Man; and at the same time that there might be no Doubt of his Death. I am firmly persuaded, that ’tis absolutely necessary to believe the Mystery of the Resurrection, which I take to be one of the most important Truths of our Religion, as St. Paul proves, who, speaking to the Corinthians, says in the Fifteenth Chapter, Ver. 14, 17. And if Christ be not risen, then is our Preaching vain, and your Faith is also vain; for ye are yet in your Sins. I believe also, that the Resurrection of Jesus Christ was absolutely necessary in the first Place to shew the Justice of God, in rewarding him who had been set at nought; and was so dutiful, as to give up his Life. The Apostle says to the Philippians, Chap. ii. Ver. 8. And being found in Fashion as a Man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto Death, even the Death of the Cross. Secondly, To maintain and strengthen our Hopes, which ought to be firm and constant. For since Jesus Christ rose again, we ought likewise to hope, that we shall one Day rise again. Upon this Subject St. Peter says in his first Epistle, Chap. i. Ver. 3, 4. Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which, according to his abundant Mercy, hath begotten us again unto a lively Hope, by the Resurrection of Jesus Christ from the Dead, to an Inheritance uncorruptible and undefiled, and that fadeth not away.

XXII. I believe, that Jesus Christ ascended into Heaven, and sitteth at the Right Hand of God, the Father Almighty.

By our Lord’s Ascension I understand, that Jesus Christ, after having completed the Mystery of our Redemption, ascended, as Man, with Body and Soul into Heaven, where he had been all along as God, being present in all Places by his Deity; that he ascended to it by his own Power, and not by any foreign Efficacy, like Elias, who was translated to Heaven in a fiery Chariot.

By these Words, he sitteth at the Right Hand of God, the Father Almighty, I don’t believe, that he actually sitteth, this being one of the figurative Expressions us’d in the Scripture: God has nothing corporeal, and by Consequence has no Right Hand, and is not seated: Therefore when the Creed saith, that Jesus Christ sitteth on his Right Hand, ’tis also a figurative Term, which the Scripture makes Use of to denote the glorious State to which our Lord Jesus Christ, as Man, was advanc’d above all other Creatures. This Expression he sitteth, signifies the stable and permanent Possession of the Glory and Sovereign Power which Jesus Christ receiv’d from his Father, who, according to the Apostle to the Ephesians, Chap. i. Ver. 20, 21. Raised him from the Dead, and set him at his own Right Hand in the heavenly Places, far above all Principality and Power, and Might and Dominion, and every Name that is named, not only in this World, but also in that which is to come.

As to the Ascension of Jesus Christ into Heaven, I believe, that it was absolutely necessary: ’Twas requisite that Jesus Christ should set up his Throne in Heaven to prove, that his Kingdom was not of this World, that it was not a transitory or an earthly Kingdom, as the Jews fancied, but that his Kingdom was spiritual.

He also chose to ascend into Heaven, to the end that his Ascension might raise a Desire in us to follow him, and at the same time to fulfil the Promise that he made to his Apostles, when he told them, John xvi. Ver. 7. It is expedient for you, that I go away; for if I go not away, the Comforter will not come unto you: But if I depart, I will send him unto you. Finally, Jesus Christ ascended into Heaven, to be our Advocate with his Father; as St. John says in his first Epistle, Chap. ii. Ver. 1, 2. My little Children, these Things write I unto you, that ye sin not. And if any Man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous: And he is the Propitiation for our Sins.

Jesus Christ ascended also into Heaven, to prepare a Place there for us, as he had promis’d us, and in quality of our Head, to take Possession of Glory For us, and to open for us the Gates of it, which had, ever since the Fall of Adam till that time, been shut up.

XXIII. I believe, that Jesus Christ shall come to judge the Quick and the Dead, because the Holy Scripture assures me, that the Son of God is to come twice upon Earth. The first time was, when for our Salvation he was pleas’d to assume the human Nature; and the second will be, when he cometh at the End of the World to judge all Mankind; when this will happen I know not, but that it will happen, I am however very certain. Of this St. Matthew assures me, Chap. xxiv. Ver. 36. But of that Day and Hour knoweth no Man, no not the Angels of Heaven, but my Father only.

As to the Manner how we shall be judg’d; I believe, there are Two ways: The first Judgment will be, when my Soul forsakes my Body. I shall appear that Instant before God’s Tribunal, to give him an exact Account of every thing that I have done, said, and thought. The second will be, when I shall appear with all Mankind that ever had a Being in the World, to receive the Judgment that it shall then please God to pronounce: Every one will there appear as he has been in this Life; and this Judgment will be the universal Judgment: This universal Judgment is absolutely necessary; and because Men have only committed Good and Evil by the Instrumentality of their Bodies, ’tis but just that their Bodies, as well as their Souls, should have a Share in the Reward or Punishment due to the Good and to the Wicked; which can only be done, when all Men rise again, and at the time of the universal Judgment. In fine, what persuades me that there must be an universal Judgment is, that Jesus himself assures us of it in St. Matthew, and tells us of all the Signs that are to be the Forerunners of that great Day. In like manner the Acts of the Apostles also prove it to us, Chap. i. Ver. 11. This same Jesus which is taken up from you into Heaven, shall so come in like manner as ye have seen him go into Heaven.

XXIV. I believe in the Holy Ghost.

My Lord, As I have already declar’d what I believe with regard to this Article, and have nothing to add to it, I proceed to the Reasons that oblige me to believe in the Holy Catholic Church.

XXV. By the Church I understand with St. Augustin all the Believers in general that are dispers’d throughout the World. There is only one Church, but ’tis divided into the Church Triumphant and the Church Militant. The former is compos’d of all the Saints, and all the Blessed that are in Paradise; and who after having triumph’d over the World, the Flesh and the Devil, are safe in the Enjoyment of eternal Happiness, and exempt from the Miseries of this Life. The other Church is the Assembly of all the Faithful who are still living: This Church is call’d the Church Militant, because of the continual Warfare which the Faithful have to maintain against their cruel Enemies the World, the Flesh, and the Devil: There are some, who, to these Two Churches, add a Third, which they call the Passive Church, because it consists of those who yet languish in the Pains of Purgatory, and are there to remain till they are thoroughly purified, that they may then be able to enter into the Triumphant Church, and thereby form one and the same Church.

I exclude out of the Church Infidels, Heretics, Schismatics, and Persons excommunicate. Infidels are no Part of the Church, because they never enter’d into it, never understood it, and never partook of any of the Sacraments. Heretics and Schismatics are excluded from the Church, because they are separate from it: They are nevertheless under the Power of the Church, which has a Right to judge, punish, and excommunicate them. Finally, Excommunicated Persons are excluded from the Church, because the Church herself has judg’d them, and cut them off from her Body; and she never more admits them to her Communion without their Conversion.

As to the Marks and Properties of the Church, I believe, that they consist, in the first Place, in its Unity, Canticles Chap. vi. Ver. 9. My Dove, my Undefiled, is but one. She is conducted and govern’d by an Invisible Head, and by a Visible Head: The former is Jesus Christ, whom God the Father has appointed the Head of his whole Church. The Visible Head is he, who, as lawful Successor of St. Peter, possesses the See of the Church of Rome. I believe, that this Head is absolutely necessary, as having been establish’d by Jesus Christ himself, when he said to St. Peter, thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church, Matt. Chap. xvi. Ver. 18. St. Peter was the first to whom the Episcopal See was given, which he establish’d first at Antioch, but afterwards translated to Rome, where he kept his See, as Chief of all the Apostles; to the end that the Unity of one See might be secur’d to him by them all, and that the other Apostles might never take it into their Heads to assume to themselves another. A Man that should offer to erect a See, in Prejudice of that which Jesus Christ hath established to be the Centre of Unity, would be deem’d as a Schismatic, and as a Heretic. In Fact, Jesus Christ, as God, gives Men a Share of his Dignities: He is the High-priest, and he honours Men with the Dignity of the Priesthood: ’Tis he that is the true Peter, and he communicates this Quality of Peter to another. Thus he makes his Servants Sharers of what is proper and particular to himself: He establish’d St. Peter to be the Pastor and Head of all Believers, and was willing that he should have the same Power as himself, to govern his Church.

The other Property of the Church is its Holiness. St. Peter assures us of this in his first Epistle, Chap. ii. Ver. 9. But ye are a chosen Generation, a holy Nation. ’Tis call’d holy, because ’tis consecrated to the Service of God: ’Tis a Custom to call every thing that is set apart for Divine Worship holy: This was a Custom, even under the Old Law, when the Priests Vestments, the Levites, and the Altars were call’d holy. A farther Proof of the Church’s Holiness is, that the Holy Spirit presides over it, and that he govern’d it by the Ministry of the Apostles. The Apostles were the first that receiv’d the Holy Ghost, and since their Time such has been God’s infinite Love to his Church, the Holy Spirit has ever remain’d with it. Therefore this very Church, which is govern’d by the Holy Spirit, cannot be mistaken in Matters of Faith, nor even in Point of Discipline.

XXVI. I believe the Communion of Saints.

I declare, and mean by these Words, that I partake in all the Sacraments, especially those of Baptism and the Eucharist: Baptism qualifies me for partaking of all the Sacraments, and the Eucharist demonstrates this Communion in a more particular manner: And indeed, tho’ all the Sacraments unite me to God, and make me Partaker of his Grace, which they convey to me, yet all these Attributes are more peculiar to the Eucharist.

I also acknowledge a Communion, of which Charity is the principal, and am united, as St. Ambrose calls it, by the Bands of Love and Society, with all that fear God.

XXVII. I believe the Forgiveness of Sins.

This is a Truth which ought absolutely to be believ’d; for upon this Occasion our Lord said to his Disciples, a little before he ascended into Heaven, St. Luke Chap, xxiv, Ver. 46, 47. Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the Dead the Third Day: And that Repentance and Remission of Sins should be preached in his Name among all Nations, beginning at Jerusalem. Thus Jesus Christ himself has oblig’d us absolutely to believe the Forgiveness of Sins: The Sacrament of Baptism remits Sins instantly; the Church has this Power also, because it has receiv’d the Keys of Heaven, not only to remit Sins by the Sacrament of Baptism, but also to forgive all those People their Sins who truly repent of them, even tho’ they were to persevere in their Sins to the last Day of their Lives: This the Holy Scripture teaches us in more Places than one. In St. Matthew, Chap, xvi. Ver. 19. our Lord said to St. Peter, And I will give unto Thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind en Earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on Earth, shall be loosed in Heaven. In another Place Jesus Christ says also, speaking to his Apostles, Matt. xviii, Ver. 18. Whatsoever ye shall bind on Earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth, shall be loosed in Heaven. This induces me to believe, that I ought to use that Power which Jesus Christ has given to his Church, of remitting Sins, as a most salutary Remedy for the Diseases of my Soul. And I have Recourse to the Sacrament of Penance, as the only Means in my own Power to cleanse me from my Sins.

XXVIII. I believe the Resurrection of the Body, and look upon it as the Basis on which the Hope of our Salvation is founded: This is what St. Paul says to the Corinthians, first Epistle, Chap. xv. Ver. 13, 14. But if there be no Resurrection of the Dead, then is Christ not risen. And if Christ be not risen, then is our Preaching vain, and your Faith is also vain. Therefore nothing is more certain than the Resurrection of the Body. The Old and New Testament prove this by several Examples: We read in the Old Testament, that Elias and Elisha brought several of the Dead to Life: And in the New Testament, besides the Dead who were rais’d again to Life by Jesus Christ, there is Mention also of some that were brought to Life again by the Apostles: Now as all those dead People were rais’d to Life again, I firmly believe, that all Mankind must rise again: Job says, Chap. xix. Ver. 26. That he hopes to see God in his own Flesh. And Daniel, Chap. xii. Ver. 2. says, speaking of the Dead, And many of them that sleep in the Dust of the Earth shall awake, some to everlasting Life, and some to Shame, and everlasting Contempt.

There are divers other Passages in the New Testament, which prove the Resurrection of the Dead; particularly that Passage in St. Matthew, Chap. xxii. where we have an Account of the Dispute which Jesus Christ had with the Sadducees; those Parts of the Gospel which mention the last Judgment, and several Passages in the Epistles of St. Paul to the Corinthians and the Thessalonians. In the first Epistle to the Corinthians, Chap. xv. Ver. 42. ’tis said, So also is the Resurrection of the Dead; it is sown in Corruption, it is raised in Incorruption.

XXIX. I believe the Life everlasting.

By the Life everlasting, I mean eternal Happiness: ’Tis so call’d, in the first Place, that it may not be imagin’d to consist in Things temporal, or the perishable Goods of this World; and then ’tis to satisfy us, that when we are once in Possession of this true Happiness, we can never lose it. I am of Opinion also, that ’tis not possible for Words to express the Nature of this Happiness to Perfection; for indeed, tho’ the Holy Scripture gives it several Names, such as the Kingdom of God, the new Jerusalem, the Mansions or Habitations of the everlasting Father; yet none of these Expressions is strong enough to give us an Idea of its Excellency and Extensiveness: The Fruition of God will undoubtedly be our greatest Happiness: Jesus Christ says the same thing, speaking to God his Father, St. John Chap. xvii. Ver. 3. And this is Life eternal, that they might know Thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent. St. John seems to explain these Words in his first Epistle, when he says, Chap. iii. Ver. 2. Beloved, now are we the Sons of God, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be; but we know, that when he shall appear we shall be like him; for we shall see him as he is.

XXX. I receive and believe the Holy Sacraments of the Church. Of these I believe that there are Seven; and I look upon them as Things that were instituted for Signs to us of other Things, because they discover to us the Disposition of the Heart, by what passes externally: The Holy Scripture tells us very clearly, that they must be look’d upon as Symbols: The Apostle says, speaking of Circumcision, which had been a Sacrament under the Old Law, and which was a Command laid upon Abraham, Romans Chap. iv. Ver. 11. And he received the Sign of Circumcision, a Seal of the Righteousness of the Faith. And in another Place the same Apostle assures us, Rom. vi. 3. that So many of us as were baptized into Jesus Christ, were baptized into his Death.

Our Lord Jesus Christ instituted the Seven Sacraments, not only to signify, but also to produce and operate what they signify.

The Sacraments are Symbols of the Grace of God, who sanctifies our Souls, and gives them all the Christian Virtues: The first of all these Sacraments is Baptism, which qualifies us to be Partakers of all the others; and ’twas instituted like all the other Sacraments by our Lord Jesus Christ: ’Tis impossible to be a Christian, or to hope for Life everlasting, without being baptiz’d.

In St. John, Chap. iii. Ver. 5. Jesus said, Except a Man be born of Water and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. This relates to Infants as well as to adult Persons, because Infants having sinned in Adam, they are under an absolute Necessity of receiving the Grace and Righteousness of Jesus Christ to reign in eternal Life. Baptism is a Sacrament which is receiv’d but once: One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, says the Apostle to the Ephesians, Chap. iv. Ver. 5. because, as Jesus Christ cannot die a second time, so we cannot die a second time to Sin by Baptism.

As to the Sacrament of Confirmation, it was likewise instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ: I think that People ought to be very cautious of neglecting a Sacrament so holy, and which is a Means that God employs to make us Partakers of so many of his Graces. As, by Baptism, we become the Soldiers of Jesus Christ, by the Sacrament of Confirmation we receive Arms to combat our Enemies. By Baptism the Holy Spirit gives us the Fullness of Grace to recover Innocence, and by Confirmation he gives us Grace to acquire the Perfection of Righteousness. By Baptism we are born again to Newness of Life, and Confirmation gives us Strength to fight the good Fight. By Baptism we are wash’d and purify’d, and by Confirmation we are strengthen’d. Regeneration in a time of Tranquillity saves of its own Accord such as receive Baptism, and Confirmation puts Weapons into their Hands, and makes them ready for the Battle. In fine, I believe, that all Catholics ought to take all possible Care to receive this Sacrament, because Jesus Christ was pleas’d, that his Apostles should receive it; which was the Case, according to St. Luke, when the Holy Ghost descended upon them in so miraculous a manner at the Feast of Pentecost. ’Tis said in the Acts of the Apostles, Chap. ii. Ver. 2. And suddenly there came a Sound from Heaven, as of a rushing mighty Wind, and it filled all the House where they were sitting, and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost. As we are given to understand by these Words, that all the Disciples who were assembled in that House, which was the Figure of the Church, receiv’d the Holy Ghost, so all that are in the Church are under a Necessity of receiving the Sacrament of Confirmation, which is prov’d by the Descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Feast of Pentecost. Finally, I believe, that by this Sacrament God confirms in us what he begun with Baptism, and that by Confirmation he makes us perfect Christians.

XXXI. I believe, that the Holy Sacrament of the Eucharist is a true Sacrament, and I look upon it as one of the greatest Mysteries of Faith. And what gives me the more Veneration for it is, that the Heretics themselves are persuaded, that it was instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ. I believe with St. Augustin and the whole Church, that this Sacrament consists of Two Things, viz. The visible Elements of Bread and Wine, and the invisible Flesh and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. For this Reason I adore the Sacrament of the Eucharist. By this Sacrament I understand the Body and Blood of our Lord. I suspend all my Senses, I wean my Mind from them, and believe with Submission, that the Holy Eucharist is really the Body of our Lord, that is to say, the very same Body which was born of the Virgin Mary, and which sitteth at the Right Hand of the Father everlasting. I believe, there remaineth nothing of the Substance of Bread and Wine, which I take intirely upon the Authority of our Lord Jesus Christ, who said, Matt. xxvi. 26, 28. This is my Body, this is my Blood. St. Paul confirms me in this Sentiment, when, after having mention’d the Consecration of the Bread and Wine by Jesus Christ, he said to the Corinthians, I Ep. Chap. xi. Ver. 28, 29. Let a Man examine himself, and so let him eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup: For he that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh Damnation to himself, not discerning the Lord’s Body. If this Sacrament was only the Memorial and Sign of the Passion of Jesus Christ, as the Heretics will have it to be, I don’t think that St. Paul would have us’d such earnest Expressions to exhort Believers to examine themselves before they approached to this Sacrament. The same Apostle St. Paul assures us also of the real Presence of the Body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, when he says in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, Chap. x. Ver. 16. The Cup of Blessing which we bless, is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ? The Bread which we break, is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ? But besides these Words of the Apostle, Jesus Christ says in St. John, Chap. vi. Ver. 51. The Bread that I will give is my Flesh, which I will give for the Life of the World: And a little after in Ver. 53. he adds, Except ye eat the Flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his Blood, ye have no Life in you. For, says he again, Ver. 55. my Flesh is Meat indeed, and my Blood is Drink indeed.

Besides all these Passages of holy Writ, which are a Proof to me of the real Presence of our Lord in the Eucharist, the Testimony of all the holy Fathers ever since the Church had a Beginning, who have all unanimously believ’d the real Presence of the Body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, farther confirms me in this Opinion. In fine, the real Presence is what the Church believes, which is enough for me, who acknowledge her Decisions to be infallible. But the Protestants will object to me; If, after the Consecration of the Eucharist, ’tis really chang’d into our Lord’s Body, how comes it that you still call it Bread? To this I answer, That ’tis because the Eucharist still preserves the Species and the Appearances of Bread, and retains the Property of nourishing the Body, which is one Quality of Bread. The Holy Scripture itself is likewise accustom’d to give Names to Things, according to their outward Appearance. ’Tis said in Genesis, that Three Men appeared to Abraham, tho’ in Fact they were Three Angels: And in the Acts of the Apostles, those Angels that appear’d to the Apostles after the Resurrection of Jesus Christ are call’d Men.

Being therefore convinc’d of the real Presence of our Lord’s Body in the most holy Eucharist, I undoubtedly believe, that I ought to worship it: This I am commanded to do by the holy Council of Trent, Session XIII. Canon 5. where, speaking of the Eucharist, it says, that it ought to be ador’d with the Worship due to God.

The Wisemen worshipp’d Jesus Christ when he came into the World in the Stable; and the holy Writ assures us, that he was worshipp’d by the Apostles in Galilee. Why then shan’t we worship him now in the Eucharist, since we are persuaded, that he really exists there? That’s the Doctrine which St. Austin taught us upon the xcviiith Psalm, Nemo illam carnem manducet, nisi prius adoraverit, et non solum non peccamus adorando, sed peccamus non adorando, i. e. Let none eat of that Flesh, till he has first ador’d it; for we not only do not sin by worshipping it, but we sin by not worshipping it.

As to the manner of communicating, I believe, ’tis sufficient to receive the Communion in one Kind: First of all, because the Church has so thought fit, and had great Reasons for it: Secondly, tho’ our Lord Jesus Christ, as the Council of Trent says, instituted this august Sacrament at the Supper under the Species of Bread and Wine, and gave it to his Apostles in both those Kinds, it does not from thence follow, that he establish’d it for a Law to distribute the holy Mysteries to all the Believers in both Kinds: For he himself often speaks but of one Kind, as when he says in St. John, Chap. vi. Ver. 51. If any Man eat of this Bread, he shall live for ever; and the Bread which I will give is my Flesh, which I will give for the Life of the World: And Ver. 58. He that eateth of this Bread shall live for ever.

I believe, that the holy Eucharist was instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ for Two Reasons: First of all, that it might serve as Nourishment for our Souls, for the Preservation of its spiritual Life; and in the second Place, that the Church might always have a Sacrifice to offer to God for the Forgiveness of our Sins: For as we offend God so often, and as our Sins incense him against us, the Church offers up the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, to engage God the Father to suspend the just Severity of his Wrath and Vengeance, and to obtain his Mercy.

The Paschal Lamb, which the Israelites both offer’d up, and ate as a Sacrifice, and as a Sacrament, was the Type of the Eucharist. Our Lord could not give us a greater Token of the Love which he bore to us, than to leave us this visible Sacrifice, which is a Renovation of that bloody Sacrifice, which he offered himself to his Father upon the Cross, that we might honour his Memory to the End of all Ages.

By the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, I understand the holy Mass; and as the Sacrament of the Eucharist is an Action meritorious for us, and procures us great Advantages when we receive it, I believe, that I merit by the holy Sacrifice of the Mass, and that it is my Satisfaction to God for my Sins: I believe, that this Sacrifice is the very same which was offer’d upon the Cross: I believe, that ’tis the same Victim, that is to say, our Lord Jesus Christ, who once offer’d himself up on the Tree of the Cross: And in Fact the Victim, which offer’d itself up in a bloody manner, and that which offers itself in an unbloody manner, is the same; there are not Two Victims. And this Sacrifice is renew’d every Day in the Eucharist, according to the Command which God gave us, when he said to us, This do in Remembrance of Me, Luke xxii. Ver. 19. I believe, that none but Jesus Christ is Priest in this Sacrifice: The Ministers, who consecrate the Body and Blood of our Lord, do not offer that Sacrifice themselves, but supply the Place of Jesus Christ himself: This is evident from the Words of the Consecration; the Priest does not say, This is the Body of Jesus Christ, but This is my Body; and by Consequence he says so, because he is in the Place of Jesus Christ, and because, by the Virtue of those Words, he changes the Substance of the Bread and Wine into that of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ: Therefore the Mass is not only a Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving, or a mere Commemoration of the Sacrifice which was completed upon the Tree of the Cross; but I also believe, that ’tis an effectual Sacrifice, which reconciles me to God, and gains me his Favour. And if we offer this holy Victim with a pure Heart, a lively Faith, and have a deep Sorrow for our Sins, I doubt not but God will shew us Mercy, and that we shall obtain the Assistance of his divine Grace whenever we need it: Nay, I am persuaded, that ’tis in a manner impossible, that, for the Sake of this sacred Victim, God should not grant us the Grace of Repentance, and the Remission of our Sins.

By Consequence the holy Sacrifice of the Mass is not only useful both to him that offers it, and to him that really partakes of it, but I also believe it to be advantageous to all the Faithful in general, both to the Living, and to those who die in the Grace of God, before they are purify’d from the Spots of their Sins. According to the constant Tradition of the Apostles, the holy Sacrifice of the Mass may be offer’d up for those Believers who die in the Grace of God before they are intirely cleans’d from their Faults; and ’tis likewise offer’d up to remove Afflictions and public Calamities, and to atone for the Sins of the Living, and the Pains which they have deserv’d. From hence I conclude, that the Sacrifice of the Mass is offer’d particularly for the Benefit and Advantage of all the Faithful.

XXXII. I admit and receive Penance for the Fourth Sacrament: It was own’d by the Church, and instituted as such by our Lord Jesus Christ, to the end that there might be no room to doubt of the Remission of Sins, which God promis’d by those Words of Ezekiel, If the Wicked repenteth, he shall live for ever. I believe, that Jesus Christ initiated this Sacrament, that it might serve as a Canal to convey his precious Blood to us for the effacing of the Sins which we have committed after Baptism; and to the end that we might be intirely persuaded, that ’tis to Jesus Christ alone we are beholden for the Grace of our Reconciliation with God.

I believe Penance to be a Sacrament in the same manner as Baptism is one: Baptism cancels all Sins, and particularly Original Sin; and for the same Reason Penance, which obliterates all Sins either in Thought or in Deed, that were committed after Baptism, must be truly and properly a Sacrament. Besides, that which is perform’d externally by the Penitent and the Priest, shews the internal Operation in the Soul of the Penitent. ’Tis absolutely necessary to believe, that Penance is a Sacrament, because it contains whatever is essential to a Sacrament: ’Tis the Sign of a holy Thing; for on the one hand the Penitent expresses fully by his Words and Actions, that he departs from the Uncleanness of his Sins, and, on the other Hand, the Priest, by conferring this Sacrament, shews the Remission of Sins, which God in his Goodness grants to the Penitent: I am convinced of this Truth, by what Jesus Christ said to St. Peter and the Apostles, Matt. xvi. Ver. 19. And I will give unto Thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven: And whatsoever thou shalt bind on Earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on Earth, shall be loosed in Heaven. These Words leave me no room to doubt of the Forgiveness of Sins: Therefore the Absolution which the Priest pronounces, shews the Remission of Sins, and ’tis Absolution which operates it in the Soul of the Penitent.

The Sacrament of Penance differs from the other Sacraments, in regard that the Matter of the other Sacraments consists of something natural or artificial, whereas the Three Acts of the Penitent, Contrition, Confession and Satisfaction are, as it were, the Matter of the Sacrament of Penance: These Acts may also be call’d the Parts of this Sacrament: God absolutely requires them of the Penitent, and they are indeed absolutely necessary to make the Sacrament of Penance intire, and that the Penitent may obtain the intire and perfect Remission of his Sins. And when I say, that these Acts are, as it were, the Matter of Penance, ’tis not that I think they are not the real Matter of it, but to shew, that I don’t think that they are of the Nature of the Matter of the other Sacraments: For the Matter of the other Sacraments is altogether external, with regard to the Person who receives them, as the Water in Baptism, and the Chrism in Confirmation. I look upon Confession, as a Part that is absolutely necessary in the Sacrament of Penance.

Tho’ I believe, that perfect Contrition cancels all Sins, yet, as ’tis absolutely necessary, that for producing this Effect it should proceed from a Love purely filial and disinterested towards God, that it should be lively, strong and fervent, and that the Sorrow which produces it in the Soul, may be proportionable to the Heinousness of the Sins committed; and as there are few Persons, whose Sorrow can attain to that Pitch, and by Consequence there would be few that could by this means hope to obtain the Pardon of their Sins; it was therefore necessary, that God, who is infinitely good, and infinitely merciful, should provide for our Salvation by giving us a more easy Method; and this he has done by granting to his Church the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven: Therefore, according to the Doctrine of the Council of Trent, I look upon it as a certain Truth, that every Man who performs an Act of Contrition, which necessarily includes a Resolution not to offend God any more for the future, obtains, by virtue of the Keys which the Church has receiv’d, Pardon and Remission of his Sins, after he has confessed them to a Priest: And I believe, that he obtains such Remission of his Sins, even tho’ his Sorrow be not of that Degree as to be able of itself to procure him such Pardon.

I receive and admit of the Doctrine of the Holy Fathers, who all unanimously teach, that Heaven is open’d to us purely by the Keys of the Church.

I believe, that our Lord Jesus Christ instituted Confession, and that his Institution of it was merely owing to his Goodness and Mercy, when the Apostles being assembled all together after his Resurrection, he breathed on them, and said, John xx. Ver. 22, 23. Receive ye the Holy Ghost; whosesoever Sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whosesoever Sins ye retain, they are retained.

’Tis therefore evident, that our Lord granted to the Priests the Power of retaining and remitting Sins, and that at the same time he made them the Judges: ’Tis for this Reason that we ought to conceal nothing from them, and we are oblig’d to accuse ourselves of every Circumstance of our Sins, that they may be able to judge us, and prescribe a Penance to us proportionable to our Crimes. I do not only believe, that Jesus Christ instituted Confession, but I believe also, that he commanded us the Use of it as necessary; and a Sinner, who has committed a mortal Sin, cannot recover the Life of his Soul but by this Means. The Saviour of the World clearly demonstrated this Truth to us, when he express’d the Power of administring this Sacrament by the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven; and as ’tis impossible to enter into a Place that is shut up, but by means of the Person who has the Keys of it, in like manner nobody can enter into Heaven after he has caus’d himself to be shut out of it by Sin, unless the Priest, to whom our Lord has given the Custody of the Keys, open the Gates of it: Those Cases of Necessity must however be excepted, where perfect Contrition is sufficient without Confession: If it were otherwise, our Lord needed not to have said, Whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth, it shall be loosed in Heaven; nor would it have been necessary for Jesus Christ to have given the Keys of Heaven to the Church.

Finally, I believe Satisfaction to be absolutely necessary, and I take it to be of Two Sorts: The first is that, whereby we intirely satisfy God according to the utmost Severity of his supreme Justice for our Sins, of what Quality soever they be; and the Satisfaction by which we at last reconcile ourselves to God. ’Tis to our Lord Jesus Christ alone that we are oblig’d for this Satisfaction; ’tis he that has merited it for us by making full Satisfaction to God with the Blood which he shed upon the Cross, to redeem us from our Sins. There was no created Being, that could possibly discharge so great a Debt; but as St. John says, 1 Ep. Chap. ii. Ver. 2. He is the Propitiation for our Sins, and not for ours only, but also for the Sins of the whole World. This Satisfaction, which flows from the Merits of Jesus Christ, is full and intire, and proportionable to the Enormity of all the Sins of Mankind.

I also receive and allow of a second Sort of Satisfaction, call’d Canonical, which is accomplish’d in a certain Space of Time prescrib’d by the Canons, and gives Power to the Priests to impose a Penance upon the Penitents, before they absolve them from their Sins, and this is that which worketh the Satisfaction.

Finally, I am persuaded, that Satisfaction is a sort of Remedy, which wipes out all the Stains which our Souls have contracted by the Foulness of Sin. By means of this Satisfaction we suffer the Punishment inflicted on us during a certain time for the Expiation of our Sins.

Upon the Whole I infer, that ’tis absolutely necessary that we should be excited to the Practice of this Satisfaction; for tho’ God remits to us in Penance the Guilt of Sin, and the Pains of everlasting Death, which are due to it, he does not therefore always remit to us the temporal Punishments which are due to Sin: This appears from several Instances in sacred Writ, as the Third Chapter of Genesis; the Twelfth and Twentieth Chapters of Numbers, and several other Passages, and especially in that which speaks of David: For tho’ the Prophet Nathan told him, that God had forgiven him his Sin, and assur’d him that he should not die, yet David voluntarily impos’d great Mortifications upon himself, and implor’d the Mercy of God in these Terms, Psalm li. Vcr. 2, 3. Wash me throughly from mine Iniquity, and cleanse me from my Sin: For I acknowledge my Transgressions, and my Sin is ever before me. Tho’ David had perform’d that Act of Penance, tho’ he had so earnestly begg’d for the Pardon of his Sin, yet God punish’d him by the Death of that Son, who was the Fruit of his Adultery, by the Rebellion of his Son Absalom, whom he lov’d tenderly, and by several other Afflictions, which he had threaten’d him with before. As to the Reason, why all the Punishments for Sin are not remitted to us by the Sacrament of Penance, as well as that of Baptism, I think it but Justice, as the Council of Trent says, that they, who before Baptism have sinn’d thro’ Ignorance, should be pardon’d after one manner; and that they should be pardon’d after another manner, who having been once delivered from the Captivity of the Devil and Sin, and having also receiv’d the Holy Spirit, have not fear’d to grieve it. ’Tis owing to the Goodness of God that he does not suffer our Sins to be remitted without the making a Satisfaction for them, to the end that we might not imagine them to be less than they are, and that we might not fall into greater Disorders by an injurious Contempt of the Holy Spirit, and thereby heap up Wrath against the Day of Wrath. For really the Penalties of Satisfaction are as a Bridle to check us in our Sins; they are sure Marks of our Sorrow for having offended God; and finally, ’tis by those Punishments that we make Satisfaction to the Church our Mother, which we have highly offended by our Sins; for, as St. Augustin says, tho’ God does not reject a contrite and an humble Heart, yet, as the Sorrow we have conceiv’d in our Hearts for having offended God, can only be discover’d by Words and other external Signs, the Holy Fathers were in the Right to fix certain Times for Penance, to the end that we might make Satisfaction to the Church, in whose Bosom our Sins were committed.

XXXIII. I thank God, for that after he had given me Entrance into the true Life by the Sacrament of Baptism, he also instituted the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, for my more easy Passage into Heaven, after my Departure from this Life. I believe, that our Lord Jesus Christ instituted the Sacrament of extreme Unction, when he sent out his Disciples two and two before him into the Towns and Villages. ’Tis said, that they preach’d to the People, that they exhorted them to Repentance, that they cast out many Devils, and anointed several that were sick with Oyl, and cur’d them all. ’Twas our Lord that commanded them to perform this Unction, which he instituted rather for the Salvation of the Soul than for the Health of the Body, and he gave a Virtue to it which was altogether divine and supernatural: Several great Saints so evidently assure us of this Truth, that I have no room to doubt, but Extreme Unction is one of the Seven Sacraments of the Church, and that ’twas instituted for the Relief of the Sick when they are at the Point of Death: This is observable in the Epistle of St. James, Chap. v, Ver. 14, 15. Is any sick among you? Let him call for the Elders of the Church, and let them pray aver him, anointing him with Oyl in the Name of the Lord: And the Prayer of Faith shall save the Sick, and the Lord shall raise him up; and if he have committed Sins, they shall be forgiven him. The Apostle, by telling us that Sins are forgiven by this Unction, gives us also to understand at the same time, that it is a true Sacrament: and this has been the Decision of several Councils, but chiefly that of Trent.

XXXIV. I esteem and honour the Sacrament of the Ordination, as the Sixth Sacrament of the Church, and I believe it to be absolutely necessary, because the other Sacraments intirely depend upon it: For, were it not for the Sacrament of Ordination, some of the Sacraments could not be administer’d, and others would also be depriv’d of all the solemn Ceremonies, and of all religious Worship. I believe therefore, that Ordination is one of the most eminent Sacraments: It renders the Priests and Bishops Interpreters of God’s Will; it enables them to represent God upon Earth, and to operate in Quality of his Substitutes; and for this Reason the Holy Scripture calls them Angels, and even Gods. What can there be more miraculous than the Power which this Sacrament gives to the Priests to consecrate the Elements, to offer the Body and Blood of our Lord, and to forgive Sins? Have we not Cause to wonder, that the Apostles and Disciples were sent over all the World in the same manner as Jesus Christ was sent by his Father? The Priests were also sent abroad, for the perfecting of the Saints, for the Work of the Ministry, and for the edifying of the Body of Christ, Ephes. iv. Ver. 12.

I believe, that no Man can or ought to assume to himself the Character of Bishop or Priest, unless he has been call’d by the lawful Ministers of the Church, that is to say, by the Bishops. The Apostle, speaking to the Hebrews, says, No Man taketh this Honour unto himself, Chap. v. Ver. 4. And God himself says in Jeremiah, Chap. xxiii. Ver. 21. I have not sent these Prophets, yet they ran.

As to the Power of Ordination, I believe, it extends to the Eucharist, and every thing that can relate to it: This is a Truth establish’d by sundry Passages of Holy Scripture, and especially by that Saying of our Lord to his Disciples, John xx. Ver. 21, 22, 23. As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you; receive ye the Holy Ghost. Whosesoever Sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whosesoever Sins ye retain, they are retained. And in St. Matthew, Chap. xviii. Ver. 18. he also says, Verily I say unto you, whatsoever you shall bind on Earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth, shall be loosed in Heaven.

XXXV. I believe, that Marriage is the Seventh Sacrament of the Church.

It cannot be deny’d, that Marriage was instituted by God himself; ’tis so very evident from Genesis, Chap. i. Ver. 27, 28. Male and Female created he them, and the Lord blessed them, and said unto them, Be fruitful, and multiply: And in another Place, viz. Gen. ii. Ver. 18. he said, It is not good that the Man should be alone, I will make him an Help meet for him. Jesus Christ in the New Testament ascribes the Institution of Marriage to God his Father in Matt. xix. and Mark x.

I believe, that Marriage is a Sacrament not to be dissolv’d: What God hath joined together, let no Man put asunder, Matt. xix. Ver. 6. These are the very Words too of the Council of Trent. There are certain Cases however, wherein the Pope, as the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and Successor of St. Peter, may break and annul the Marriage.

What farther convinces me that Marriage is a Sacrament, is that Passage of the Apostle St. Paul to the Ephesians, Chap. v. Ver. 28 to 32. So ought Men to love their Wives as their own Bodies: He that loveth his Wife, loveth himself; For no Man ever yet hated his own Flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as the Lord the Church: For we are Members of his Body, of his Flesh, and his Bones. For this Cause shall a Man leave his Father and Mother, and shall be joined unto his Wife, and they two shall be one Flesh. This is a great Mystery; but I speak concerning Christ and the Church. Since St. Paul calls Marriage a Sacrament, I see no Reason why I should not regard it as such; nor do I know why the Heretics will not allow it to be a Sacrament.

Thus, my Lord, have I given you my Sentiments on the principal Articles of Religion: All that remains for me now is, to treat of Purgatory, the Invocation and the Worship of the Saints, Prayers for the Dead, and the Respect due to the visible Head of the Church. In giving your Lordship an Account of my Opinion in these Articles, I shall take Care, my Lord, to be as brief as possible, for fear you should think me tedious.

XXXVI. By Purgatory, I mean a Place where the Souls of the Faithful who die in Grace are detain’d to suffer, till they are intirely purify’d from what hinders their enjoying celestial Light, into which any Thing that defileth, can in no wise enter, Rev. xxi. Ver. 27. The Church was always of this Opinion, and St. Justin Martyr own’d, that the Souls of Believers were in extreme Necessity of being reliev’d by the Prayers of the Living: That Purgatory was an Article of Faith was what Pope Eugene declar’d, or rather he renew’d what had been all along believ’d by the Church. The Protestants are as much in the Wrong to say, that Purgatory is a new Invention of the Priests, as when they give the same Name to several other Articles of Faith that were always believ’d, tho’ they have been renew’d by several Councils, as often as the Church saw there was Occasion: For Instance, in the Fourth Century, in the Time of that Heretic Arius, the Council of Nice declar’d, that the Son of God was of the same Essence as the Father; yet this was a Truth which the Church had always believ’d. St. Augustin, to whose Opinions even the Heretics pay a Respect, assures me, that in his Time ’twas the Custom throughout the whole Church, and what had been establish’d by Tradition, to pray for the Dead, to the end that God might deal mercifully with them. These Prayers could only be for the Souls of Believers that were in Purgatory; for the Blessed, instead of having any Need of our Prayers, do themselves pray for us: And as to the Reprobate, Prayers can be of no Service to them; they are damn’d to all Eternity, and never can be releas’d out of their Pains: From hence I infer, that the Church has ever admitted a Third Place, which is Purgatory. Several ancient Councils assure me of this Truth, and particularly the Council of Carthage, Chap. XXIX. and since that the Holy Council of Trent. I also take that Passage in St. John’s Revelations, Chap. v. Ver. 13. to be a favourable Explanation of my Sentiments on the Subject of Purgatory; And every Creature which is in Heaven, and on the Earth, and under the Earth, and such as are in the Sea, and all that are in them, heard I, saying, Blessing and Honour, and Glory and Power be unto him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. I cannot think these Words can be apply’d either to Devils, or to the Reprobate; they must necessarily refer to the Souls suffering in Purgatory; these the Apostle meant by Creatures that are under the Earth, because ’tis certain, that the Devils and the Reprobate do not praise God.

Now, admitting it for a certain Truth, that there is a Purgatory, I believe, without making any Doubt of it, that we ought to pray for the Dead, and for the Deliverance of suffering Souls, because they are a Part of the Church, and a Part the more to be regarded, since, tho’ they suffer, they are sure one Day of enjoying everlasting Felicity. Besides, those Souls that are deliver’d by my Prayers, and by the Sacrifices offer’d up for them, do afterwards become my Friends with God. But tho’ these Reasons were not sufficient, the Church prays for the Dead, and that’s enough for me.

St. Austin and several of the Fathers of the Church assure me, that the Custom of Praying for the Dead came to them by Tradition from the very Time of the Apostles: And the Holy Scripture informs us, that this Custom was formerly establish’d in the Old Testament, which is clearly prov’d by that Passage in the Maccabees, Chap. xii. Ver. 43. And when he had made a Gathering throughout the Company to the Sum of Two thousand Drachms of Silver, he sent it to Jerusalem to offer a Sin-Offering, doing therein very well and honestly, in that he was mindful of the Resurrection: And in the same Chapter, Ver. 45. It is a holy and good Thought to pray for the Dead, that they may be delivered from Sin.——Methinks these Passages plainly prove, that the Jews, of whom the true Church consisted before the Coming of our Lord, pray’d and sacrific’d for the Dead.

I believe therefore, that all manner of Persons may and ought to pray for the Dead: But the Sacrifice of the Holy Mass can only be celebrated by the Priests: and the Mass is profitable to him that says it, to the Person that causes it to be said, and to the Soul for whom it is said.

XXXVII. I firmly believe, that the Invocation of the Saints is very useful to us for our Salvation, and that ’tis not contrary to the Commands of God, as the Heretics affirm. For the Worship of God is nothing more than honouring God in his Saints, just as (if I may be permitted the Comparison) I honour my King by honouring his Ministers. Would God, who has commanded us to honour our Parents, Persons advanc’d in Years, our Governors and Superiors, forbid us to honour the Saints and Angels, who are his Ministers, and by Consequence our Superiors?

The Heretics, who so loudly condemn the Invocation of the Saints, and treat it as Idolatry, do nevertheless pray every Day in their Temples and particular Meetings, that it may please God to order their Guardian Angel to guide and preserve them. Now, if they grant, that an Angel is their Protector, can they, without Ingratitude, refuse Honour to their Benefactor? I believe with the Church, that the Angels and Saints preserve us, and deliver us every Day from several great Dangers both of Soul and Body. Charity engages them to pray for us, and to offer up our Prayers and Tears to the Lord: They watch continually over us, and guard us without Intermission. For this Reason Jesus Christ recommends to his Disciples, Matt. xviii. Ver. 10. Take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones; for I say unto you, that in Heaven their Angels do always behold the Face of my Father which is in Heaven.

The Invocation of Saints was a Practice even in the Old Testament Time: When Jacob gave his Blessing to his Sons, Gen. xlviii. Ver. 16. he said these Words, The Angel, which redeemed me from all Evil, bless the Lads; and let my Name be named on them, and the Name of my Fathers Abraham and Isaac, and let them grow into a Multitude in the midst of the Earth. What can be a better Proof of the Invocation of the Angels, and the Holy Patriarchs? The Scripture gives us another Proof of it in 1 Sam. vii. Ver. 8. where the Children of Israel said to Samuel, Cease not to cry unto the Lord our God for us, that he will save us out of the Hand of the Philistines. From thence I infer, that by honouring the Saints who are dead in the Lord, by calling upon them, by worshipping their sacred Relics, we do in no wise rob God of any Part of his Glory; on the contrary, I believe, we augment it. The Honour, which we pay to the Saints, strengthens our Hope, renders it more lively, more vehement, and creates a greater Desire in us to tread in their Steps.

Jesus Christ himself was persuaded, that in his State, as Man, the Protection of the Angels was able to deliver him out of the Hand of the Jews; and of this he gave Demonstration, when he commanded St. Peter to put up his Sword again into his Place, because, said he, Matt. xxvi. Ver. 53. Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father, and he shall presently give me more than Twelve Legions of Angels? St. Augustin, in the Eighth Book of The City of God, Chap. xvii. says, Summa Religionis est imitari quem colis, i. e. The Sum and Substance of Religion is, to imitate the Being you worship. From hence I infer, that we ought to imitate the Saints, to honour and respect them; and by honouring them, we call upon them, because by honouring them, we have an Opportunity to lay our Necessities before them, to the end that they may obtain that Assistance and Favour of God which is necessary for us.

I say, that we ought also to call more particularly upon the Holy Virgin than the other Saints: Because she is the Mother of God, would it not be impious to say, that she deserves not to be invok’d? Who is more proper than a Mother to obtain Favour from a Son? Who can better reconcile us with God than the Virgin? She flies to the Holy Altar of Reconciliation, and does not only repair thither as a Supplicant, but as an Empress, according to the very Words of St. Peter Damien, Serm. xliv. Nativ. Virg. Accedis ante illud aureum reconciliationis humanæ Altare, non solum rogans, sed imperans, Domina, non Ancilla, i. e. Thou presentest thyself before that Golden Altar of Mankind’s Reconciliation, not only petitioning as a Servant, but commanding as a Sovereign. What can excuse us from honouring and reverencing the Being, by whom we receive our Deliverance, our Preservation, and our Life? As St. Augustin says, (De Sancta Virginitate, Chap. VI.) Per Evam Mors, per Mariam Salus, i. e. By Eve came Death, by Mary Salvation.

I have no Reason to doubt but the Saints hear us, because I believe the Testimonies of the Holy Fathers: St. Gregory of Nazianzen was of this Opinion, when he says in his Twentieth Epistle, Illud persuasum Sanctorum animum res nostras sentire, i. e. I am persuaded, that the Saints are sensible of our Affairs; and St. Gregory of Nissa, in the Nineteenth Prayer which he makes to St. Theodore, says; Quanquam tu vitam hanc transcendisti, humanas tamen molestias et necessitates non ignoras; impetra nobis pacem, i. e. Altho’ thou art got beyond this Life, yet thou art not ignorant of the Troubles and Necessities of Mankind; intercede for Peace for us. There are several other Holy Men, who have believ’d and declar’d, that the Angels meet those that pray, in order to receive and conduct them to the Throne of Glory, Et suspicientes eos usque ad Thronum Gloria sancti Dei perducunt. Because the Saints hear our Prayers, I infer, that we are obliged to pray for them: And indeed if the Saints did not hear us, ’twould be to no more Purpose to invoke them, than it would be for their hearing us, if we did not call upon them.

I honour therefore and call upon the Blessed, who enjoy celestial Glory, and I will invoke them even to the last Breath of my Life, at which time I shall have more need of their Assistance: I will invoke them as long as I live: The Holy Scripture teaches me that God himself has given Praise to some of the Saints. In fine, upon their Protection do I found my Hopes; if it be true, that the Saints in Heaven rejoice when but one Sinner is converted and repenteth, how can I doubt but the Saints, when they are invok’d by Penitents, will relieve them, and obtain that Pardon for their Sins, and that Grace which they stand in need of?

XXXVIII. Since we ought to call upon the Saints, and since they hear our Prayers, I believe, that I am oblig’d to honour their Images, their Tombs, as well as their sacred Relics; and if I have a Respect for a Piece of Painting that represents the Likeness of my King, or of any Sovereign, hew much more Reason have I to venerate whatsoever represents to me the Saints, who are far above the Princes of this World, because they are the Friends of God, and our Protectors with him?

The Use of Images has been allow’d at all times: God himself order’d the making of Figures and Images: For Example, the Cherubims of Propitiation and the Brazen Serpent were made by his Command. And when the Heretics say, that God forbids Images, they are in the Wrong: God indeed forbids us to make Images to worship them, but this is what I am not guilty of; for the Respect which I pay to Images is not for the Sake of what they are, but for what they represent to me: ’Tis not to the Images that I address my Prayer; and whenever I fall on my Knees before an Image, ’tis because I am willing to honour and pray to the Saint, whom it represents to me.

Images put me in Mind of the History of the Old and New Testament: They remind me of all the Favours God has bestow’d upon me; which engages me the more fervently to love and serve him. Finally, the Images of the Saints create a Desire in us to imitate the Sanctity of their Lives and Actions.

XXXIX. As to Merit: ’Tis certain that Heaven cannot be won but by good Works: Heaven is only promis’d to us, as a Reward: In order to be convinc’d of this Truth, I need only have Regard to the Words which Jesus Christ says to the Righteous, Matt. xxv. Ver. 34, 35. Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the Foundation of the World: For I was an hungred, and ye gave me Meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me Drink; I was a Stranger, and ye took me in. Our Lord calls the Righteous into his Holy Paradise, because they gave him to eat, when he was hungry; and to drink, when he was thirsty: From these Words I infer, that Heaven is not a mere Gift, it must be won by good Works: Does not Jesus Christ say in another Place, Mark ix. Ver. 42. That if but a Cup of Water be given to drink in his Name, the Giver shall not lose his Reward, but shall have a Torrent of Delights? Nothing can be more clear, nothing more evident to prove, that we are capable of meriting with God, than what St. Paul says in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, Chap. iii. Ver. 8. And every Man shall receive his own Reward, according to his own Labour: This is my Reason for thinking, that he who has done most, shall receive the greatest Reward. ’Tis therefore that Jesus Christ says, In my Father’s House are many Mansions, John xiv. Ver. 2. I do therefore believe, that I ought not to be idle nor slothful, and that, on the contrary, I should strive without ceasing to acquire the Kingdom of Heaven by my good Works. Jesus Christ says in St. Matthew, Chap. xi. Ver. 12. That the Kingdom of Heaven suffereth Violence, and the Violent take it by Force. He says also in another Place, If thou wilt enter into Life, keep my Commandments. Now, in order to enable us to do these good Works, I believe the Grace of God to be necessary for us; and this Grace of God is obtain’d by the Fervency of our Prayers, and the Steadiness of our Faith.

XL. I proceed to the Authority of the Visible Head of the Church: By this Head I understand, as I have already said, the Pope, who is the lawful Successor of St. Peter; and, as such, I believe, that he is infallible, not only in the Government of the Church, but also in all Matters of Faith: I rely solely upon what Jesus Christ said upon this Subject, when he gave the Keys to St. Peter, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church, Matt. xvi. Ver. 18. By this Act Jesus Christ establish’d St. Peter for the Head and Prince of the Church: The following Words of Jesus Christ are an intire Confirmation of this Truth, Matt. xvi. Ver. 18. And the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it, that is to say, against the Church, and by Consequence against its Head. ’Tis therefore true, that God granted an absolute Authority to St. Peter and his Successors, which Authority has a Resemblance with that which God granted under the Old Law, to Aaron and his Family.

In Consideration of this supreme Dignity I believe, that I cannot pay Respect and Submission enough to the Pope; and I think what I advance is prov’d in the first Place, because to honour the Vicar of Jesus Christ, is paying Devotion to himself: Secondly, ’tis honouring St. Peter, to honour his Successor; and lastly, I believe, that I am the more worthy to be a Member of the Church, when I honour him who is the Head of it.

I therefore kiss his Feet, as I would those of Jesus Christ himself: I fall prostrate before him, as I would before St. Peter; and am intirely persuaded, that this Token of Adoration, so far from being liable to the Charge of Idolatry, as the Heretics think, can, on the contrary, be only deem’d a Thing agreeable to God, and what tends to his Glorification. We are told in the Old Testament, that Jacob bowed himself to the Ground to Esau seven times, Gen. xxxiii. Ver. 3, 7. His Children, with Leah and Rachel, also ador’d him: Joseph was ador’d by his Brethren: Abigail ador’d David, and Bathsheba Solomon. None of these Acts of Adoration were made to God, but to Men; why then shall we refuse to adore the Head of Christendom? Tho’ St. Peter refus’d to be ador’d by Cornelius,’twas because he was very sensible, that Cornelius, being a Gentile, would pay him Obeisance and Worship little inferior to that which was due to God; but this is no Argument that St. Peter did not receive the Honours that were due to him, as being the Head of the Church: In fine, when I cast myself at the Pope’s Feet, I have a Share in his Benediction, I humbly desire it, and I adore in him the Power which he has to bless me. I am also persuaded, that none but the Pope has a Right to assemble a Council; and I believe, that every Assembly which is held by the Name of a Council, without the Participation of the Pope, cannot be deem’d an Œcumenical Council. A Body is incapable of acting without its Head, for ’tis the Head by which the Body is always directed: Consequently the Church cannot assemble, act, nor decide, without the Pope, who is its Head, and who, by Consequence, has the sole Right of Decision; because he is the Rock on which Jesus Christ has founded his Church, and because without him there would be no Church. I therefore with Submission receive all the Decisions of a Council where the Pope either presides in Person, or by his Legates; and I look upon all Assemblies of Priests that are met, or are held by the Command of any other Power than the Pope, as mere Assemblies of the Clergy.

Thus, my Lord, have I given you the sincere Declaration of my Faith, such as it is imprinted on my Heart: I believe it Holy, and I believe it Canonical; and hope, that when your Lordship sees it in Writing, you will give it the same Approbation that you were pleased to honour it with when I had the Favour of making it to you by Word of Mouth. If, contrary to my Intention, I have deviated from the Track of Truth, I intreat you, my Lord, to lend me your Hand, to vouchsafe to be my Guide, and to lead me to that Piety which you profess, and by which all Mankind is edified: Make me worthy of the Dignity of the Priesthood, of which I am ambitious. But this is trespassing too far upon your Eminency’s Attention, and ’tis high time to put an End to a Letter, which nothing can excuse the Length of, but the Sacredness of the Subject whereof it treats. I shall think myself exceeding happy, if I have explain’d myself with sufficient Perspicuity, and if the Sentiments I lay before your Lordship can render me deserving of the Honour of your Esteem. I am, with infinite Respect,

My Lord,
Your Lordship’s
Most Humble, and
Most Obedient Servant,
Charles-Lewis, Baron de Pollnitz.

End of VOL. IV.

AN

Alphabetical Index

TO THE

FOURTH VOLUME.

A.

Agrippa, 132.

Aichsted, t., 266.

St. Aignan (Duke of), 3.

Order’d to quit Spain, 7, 8.

His Converse with the Cardinal Borgia, 214.

Aix, in Provence, t., 100.

Alberoni (Cardinal), 2, 7, 8, 19, 20, 94, 211, 213, &c.

Impos’d on by Fortune-hunters, 21.

His Disgrace, Resentment, and Consequences of his Disgrace, 112 to 115.

Albert-Cajetan Charles, Electoral Prince of Bavaria, 35.

His Marriage with the Archduchess, 270.

Alcala, t., 204.

Alexander VII. (Pope), 126.

Alliance (Quadruple), 3.

Alten-Ottingen, t., 91.

Amedeus VIII. (Duke of Savoy), 174.

Amphitheatre (of Vespasian), 132.

D’Ancenis, (Marquis), 6.

Ancona, t., 150.

Andernach, t., 259.

Anhalt-Dessau (Prince of), 261.

Anne (Queen) her Statue, 241.

Antibes, t., 106.

Aranjuez (Palace), 224, 231.

Asfeld (Abbe de), 24.

Asturias (Prince of), 210.

Audiences, an Abuse in that Article at Vienna, 55.

Augsbourg, t., 27 to 29, 265.

Its Bishop, the Manner of his Election, and his Sovereignty, 29.

Augustus II. King of Poland, 84, 85.

His Queen, 85.

Augustus III. See Poland, 2nd Electoral Prince of Saxony.

Avignon, t., 100.

Aurelius Marcus (Emperor), 133.

Auxerre, t., 96.

B.

Bank Bills of France, 23, 180 to 185.

Barbi, t., 262, 284.

Bareith, Margrave and Margravine, 295.

Bavaria, (Elector of) his Palace and Court, 31, 32, &c.

Electoral Prince of Bavaria’s Marriage to the Archduchess, 270.

Bayonne, t., 188.

Belgrade, Prince Eugene’s Victory near it, 1.

The Siege of it, 40.

Bernini, a famous Designer, 126.

Berwick (Marshal) His Ingratitude to the King of Spain, 19.

He takes Fontarabia, 22.

Beziers, t., 186.

Bilbao, t., 235, 236, &c.

Bing, (Admiral) his Expedition to the Mediterranean, 2, 3.

Biscay, (Province) its Privileges, 237.

Blankenberg, t., 282.

Bohemia, (St. Wenceslaus King of), 288.

Bois, (Abbat de) Ambassador, 3, 113, 114.

Bois-le-duc, t., 257.

Bologna, t., 151.

Borgia, (Cardinal) his Ignorance, 214.

Brittany, Consequences of the Discontent of that Province, 94, &c.

Brunette, La, t., 173.

Bucentaures, Saxon and Venetian, 74, 75, 155.

Burgos, t., 233.

Burgundy, States and Parliament, 97.

—— Wine, where the best, 97.

C.

Campo Florido, (M. de), 212, 224.

Carignan, (Prince and Princess of), 167, 168.

Carlos, Don, 210.

Carelsbadt, t., 284, 295.

Casal, t., 164.

Castelar, (M. de), 212, 224.

Castelnaudari, t., 186.

Castillone, (Prince of) Viceroy of Navarre, 202, 203.

Catalonia, 237.

Celi, (M. de), 26.

Cellamare, (Prince of) his Conspiracy, 3, &c.

Put under an Arrest, 5.

Cenis, M., 173.

Chalisac, (Baron de), 263.

Chalons, t., 97.

Chamber, Imperial, 26.

Chambery, t., 173.

Charles I. King, beheaded, 239.

His Statue, 246,

and Picture, 253.

Charles II. Effigy, 243, 247.

Charles V. (Emperor) why he resign’d his Dominions, 25, 220.

Charles VI. (Emperor), 57, 58.

His Empress, 58, 59.

Their Entry at Prague, 286.

Charles XII. King of Sweden, 105.

Charles Emanuel, King of Sardinia, 167.

Charolois, (Count de), 39, 89, 91.

Charost, (Duke of), 6.

Chateauneuf, (M. de), 95.

Christina, Queen of Sweden, 128.

Cieuta, t., 104.

Clement, Duke of Bavaria, 35, 270.

Clement VI. Pope, 100.

Collobradt (Count of), 290.

Colloredo, Count and Countess, 156, 293.

Conti (Prince of), 19.

Conti (Princess of), 7.

Cosel (Countess of), 87.

Cosmo I. Great Duke of Tuscany, 117.

—— III., 119.

His Family, 120.

De Medicis, 119.

Crowns, Royal, 248.

Culmbach (Prince of), 296.

D.

Dadoncourt, M. 188, &c. to, 201.

Dammartin (Count de), 91.

Daubanton the Jesuit Confessor to the King of Spain, his Credit and Character, 213, 218, 223.

Dessau, t., 261.

Devos, Tapistry-Maker, 47.

Diamond of the Great Duke of Tuscany, 121.

Dijon, t., 97.

Doge of Genoa, 110, 111.

Dombes (Prince of) his Banishment, 7.

Doria, Andrew, 109.

Dresden, t. Electoral Prince and Princess of Saxony’s Entrance there, 74, 75, &c.

Description of the City, 86, &c.

Duke, French, a great Dealer in Grocery, 182.

Durand, Don Miguel, Secretary, 113.

Duremberg (Baron de) Envoy, 272.

E.

Elizabeth-Christina, Empress of Germany, 58, 59.

St. Elmo Castle, 141.

Emperor, see Charles VI.

Empress, see Elizabeth the Dowager, 59.

English, their Character, 249, &c.

What happen’d to an Englishman at Maestricht, 257, &c.

Escurial Palace, 230.

D’Eu (Count) his Banishment, 7.

Eugene (Prince) his Victory near Belgrade, 1.

His Palace, 47.

F.

Fano, t., 150.

Farnese, Francis, Duke of Parma, 161, &c.

La Favorita Palace, 46.

Ferdinand II. Emperor, 291.

Ferdinand Duke of Bavaria, 35.

Florence, t. 117 to 122.

Fontarabia besieg’d, 19.

Taken, 22, 94.

Force, Duke de la, 182.

Francis I. King of France, 164.

Franconia (Duke of), 272, &c.

Frederic Elector Palatine, his Disgrace, 36, 291, 292.

His Son’s Disgrace, 275.

Frejus, t., 106.

G.

Galas, Festival Days at Vienna, 55, 56, 57.

Galen (Baron de), 81.

Gallas (Count de), 142, 291.

Geneva, t., 174.

Its Ministers and Magistrates, 175, 176.

The Character of its Merchants, 177.

Genoa, 108, 109.

Its Doge, 110, 111.

Giudice (Cardinal), 135, 136.

Grasse, t., 106.

Gregory XI. (Pope), 100.

—— XIII. (Pope) his Statue, 151.

Grimaldo (Marquis de), 7, 211, 212, 217, 218, 223.

Gualtieri (Cardinal), 135, 136.

Guards, the late King George’s, 240.

Guise (Duke of), 25.

Guldenstein (Count de), 281.

Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden, 28.

Greater than the Great Alexander, 34.

H.

Hackney Coaches, 242.

Hagen, M. Envoy of Saxe-Gotha, 272.

Hague, t., 253, &c.

Hambourg, t., 280.

Heidelberg, t., 11, &c. 15.

Its fine Library carried to Rome, and other great Ravages committed there, 15, 17.

Its famous Tun, 18.

Henry II. King of France, 25.

—— IV. King of France, 187.

Hermitage, 298.

Himmelscron Castle, 296.

Hoff, t., 265.

Holtzendorff M., 219.

Holy Week, how solemniz’d at Rome, 138, &c.

At Madrid, 224.

Horn (Count de) his Catastrophe, 182.

Horses, Statues of, finely cast, 247.

Hussites, 291.

I.

St. James’s Park and Palace, 239.

Square, 252.

Januarius St., 141.

Ibrahim Basha, the Turkish Ambassador’s Entry at Vienna, 62 to 66.

St. Ildephonso Palace, 231.

Ingoldstat, t., 267.

Inquisition of Spain, 229.

Interim, a Formulary so call’d, 27.

St. John de Nepomucene, 289, 290.

Joseph (afterwards Emperor) chose King of the Romans, 28.

His Marriage, 59.

K.

Kensington Palace, 253.

Kiel, t., 281.

Kinski’s Palace, 289.

Kirchner (Baron de), 267, 272.

Konigsfelt (Count de), 271.

Koningsmark (General), 292, 293.

L.

La Borde, her Story and Character, 193, &c.

Lagnasco (Count de), 66.

Lake of Geneva, 174.

Lamberg (Cardinal of), 267.

Lanebourg, t., 173.

Languedocians, 187.

Lateran Church, 131.

Law, John, the Projector, 180, &c.

Lede (Marquis de), 2.

Le G——, 205, 206.

Leopold (Emperor) crown’d, 28.

Lewis Dauphin of France, 15.

Lewis IV. King of France, his Tomb, 29.

Lignares (Duchess de), 190.

London, t., 238, &c.

Loretto, t., 147.

The miraculous or holy House there, 148, 149.

Lorge (Marshal de) lampoon’d for his fruitless Attack upon Heidelberg, 16.

Lorrain (Duke of), 120.

Luther, Martin, 27, 274.

Lutzelbourg (Count de), 81.

Lyons, t., 97.

M.

Madrid, t., 205.

Palaces and Court, 220, 221, &c.

Maffei (Count de) Viceroy of Sicily, 2.

Maine, Duke and Duchess arrested, 5, 6.

Madamoiselle De, 7.

Manheim, why the Elector Palatine remov’d thither from Heidelberg, 16, 17.

Marcus-Aurelius, Emperor, 133.

Maria-Josepha Electoral Princess of Saxony, 60.

Her Marriage, 66.

Entry at Dresden, 74, &c.

Maria-Amelia Electoral Princess of Bavaria, 60.

Marlborough House, 246.

Marriage of the Sea by the Doge of Venice, 155.

Marseilles, t., 102.

Plague there, 184.

Mary-Ann Queen Dowager of Spain, 190.

Mastricht, t., 257.

Matignon (M. de), 108.

Maximilian-Emanuel Mary Elector of Bavaria, 34.

His Family, Court and Palaces, 29 to 44.

St. Menehoult, t., 24.

Metz, t., 35.

Milan, t., 162.

Duchy, 163, &c.

Ministers, Lutheran, see Dresden.

—— of Geneva, see Geneva.

Modena, t., 159.

Princes, 157, 159, 160, 179.

Molard (Count de), 70.

Monaco, t., 108.

Monk (General), 343.

Montague House, 245.

Monthel (Baron de), 199, 207.

Montefiascone, t., 123, &c.

Montesquiou (Marshal de), 95.

Montmorency (Constable of), 25, 186.

Montpelier, t., 185.

Monument described, 246.

Moret, t., 96.

Munich, t., 29.

N.

Naples, t., 141.

Nat (Count de), 280.

Neapolitan Lady’s odd Compliment to the King of Spain, 143.

Nice, t., 106.

Nismes, t., 185.

Nobles Venetian, their Scrupulousness, 155.

Nuremberg, t., 265.

Nymphenbourg Palace, 38, 41.

O.

Opera’s at London, 244.

Orleans (Duke of) his Regency 22, &c.

His Answer to those that solicited him in Favour of the Count De Horn, 184.

Oropesa (Count de), 66, 67.

Ottowalski, Captain, 292, 293.

P.

Padua, t., 158.

Palatinate Upper, why given to the Bavarian Family, 36.

Palatine, Charles-Philip of Neubourg Elector 11, 12, 13.

Pampeluna, t., 202.

Pamphili Prince, 135.

Pantheon Church at Rome, 132.

Parliament of Great-Britain, Ceremony of the King’s coming to it, 243.

Parma, t., 161.

The Dukes, 112, 161, 162.

The Dukes Court, 161.

Passau, t., 44.

Treaty concluded there, ibid.

Pau, t., 187.

St. Paul’s Church 241.

Peralte a Physician, fated to die by the Inquisition, 229.

Pesaro, t., 150.

Philip V., 210, 220.

See Spain.

Pierre Encise Castle, 97.

Pilate, whither banish’d, 99.

Pirna, t. 74.

Pisa, t., 116, 117.

Placentia, t., 162.

Plague at Marseilles, 184.

Plays at London, 245.

Plettenberg M. Envoy, 271, 272.

Poland, King, Queen and Prince, 84, 85.

Queen of, Wife of Augustus II., 85.

The Wife of Augustus III. her Reception in Saxony, and Entry at Dresden, 66 to 73.

Polish Magnificence, 74, &c.

Polignac (Cardinal de) his Banishment, 7.

Pollnitz (Madamoiselle de), 241, 261, 272.

Her Death, 279.

Pollnitz (Charles-Lewis Baron de) our Author, his precipitate Departure from Paris, and Arrest at Toul, 8, 9.

His Enlargement, 11.

His good Reception at the Palatine Court, 13, 14.

His Folly there, 14.

His Return to Paris, 18.

Being weary of soliciting in vain, he leaves France, 24.

He obtains a Company at Vienna and a Supply to remount his Equipage, 60.

Gets a Furlough, 7.

His Fistula plagues him again, 89.

His Journey to Paris for a Cure, 92, 93.

He gains great Sums by the Stocks, and loses them, 93, 94.

His Departure to go and join his Regiment in Sicily, 96.

His Danger of being cast away at Sea, 107.

His Reception by the Great Duke of Tuscany, 119.

What sad Lodgings he had at Montefiascone, 122.

The Danger he was in at that Place, 124.

His Reception at Rome, 129, &c.

His Visits, 134 to 136, &c.

His Audience of the Pope, 137.

His Resignation of his Commission, 146, 147.

What happen’d to him at Ferrara, 152.

His Reception by the Duke of Modena, 159,

and the Duke of Parma, 161.

How he was trick’d by a Merchant at Geneva, 177.

Returns to Paris, 179.

Ill-us’d by one Dadoncourt an Officer at Bayonne, 188, &c.

His Reception by the Queen Dowager of Spain, 190.

His imprudent Language, and Arrest thereupon, 193, &c.

His Release, 200, 202.

The Adventure he met with when became to Madrid, 205.

His Reception by the Court of Spain, 207.

His Solicitations there for some Post, 208.

His Commission to be a Lieutenant-Colonel, but receives no Pay, 215, 216.

His melancholy Situation, and Relief by Mr. Stanhope, 219, 232.

His Departure from Madrid, and the Danger he ran, 232.

His ill Reception at the Court of England, 241.

His Voyage to Holland, 253.

His Arrest for Debt at the Hague, and his Deliverance by a Tradeswoman, 255.

His Danger of being a second time arrested, and his Escape, 256.

His Sickness in the Road to Germany, as he went thither to settle his Affairs, 259, 260.

His ill Reception at Dessau by the Prince Of Anhalt, 262.

How he settled his Affairs with his Brother, and had Thoughts of turning a Clergyman, 263, &c.

His fruitless Application to the Cardinal of Saxe-Zeits at Ratisbon, 269, 270.

His good Reception there by the Ministers, 271, 272.

Makes new Settlements with his Brother, 280.

His Treatment by the Duke of Blankenberg, 283.

His Journey to Holland to satisfy his Creditors, 294, 300.

His Confession of Faith, see Appendix.

Pont St. Esprit, t., 99.

Portocarrero, Abbat, arrested, 4.

Releas’d, 5.

Poussin, M. Minister, 280.

Pozzuoli, t., 145.

Prague, t., 286, 288, &c.

Prize-fighters, 252.

Processions in Spain scandalous, 225, 226.

Provence, Country, 103.

Puteoli, t., 145.

Pyll, Mrs., our Author’s Obligation to her, 255, 294.

Pyrenees Mountains, 188, 202.

Q.

Quadruple Alliance, 3.

Quinquempoix Street, 93.

R.

Rabutin (Madame de), 56.

Radzivil (Duchess of), 261.

Ratisbon, t., 267, 268, 269.

Regatte, a naval Race so called, 157.

Regio, t., 161.

Rhebinder (General de), 170.

Richmond (Duchess of) her Statue, 243.

Rimini, t., 150.

La Roche (M. de), 207.

Rome, t., 124, &c.

Assemblies there, 133, 134.

Royal Exchange, 246.

Rupert (Count Palatine and Duke of Bavaria), 15.

S.

Saillant (M. de), 25.

St. Menehoult. t., 24.

Saltzbourg, a ridiculous Entertainment given there by the Archbishop, 89, 90.

Savona, t., 108.

Savoy, (Family of) see Turin.

Saxe-Zeits (Cardinal), 264.

Duke, 265.

—— Gotha (Prince of), 105.

Saxony, Ceremonies of the Electoral Prince’s Marriage with the Archduchess, 66 to 73.

Their Entry at Dresden, 74, &c.

The Electoral Family, 84, 85, &c.

Schleisheim Palace, 43.

Schrotenbach Cardinal, Viceroy of Naples, 142.

Schulembourg (M. de), 170.

Scotti M. the Minister of Parma, 220.

St. Sebastian, t. taken, 24, 94.

Seissan, M. de, an odd Accident he met with, 113.

Senlis, t.

Sicily, Spanish Expedition to that Island, 1, 2.

Sienna, t., 124.

Sixtus V. Pope, 125, 126.

Sobieski, Theresa-Cunegunda, Electress of Bavaria, 34.

—— John, King of Poland, 45.

Soho Quarter, 240.

Spain (Queen of) Dowager of Charles II., 190.

Court of, 190, 191, &c. 210, &c.

Character of the present Queen, 210.

Spanish Entertainments, 228.

—— Inquisition, 229.

Spires, t., 26.

Stair-case, holy, 131, 132.

Stairs, Earl, 2.

Stanhope, Earl, 2, 113, 114.

Stanhope, Mr. his Friendship to the Author, 219, 220, 232.

Staremberg (Count de), 45.

St. Stephen (Knights of), 117.

Suicide, Counterfeit, 172.

Sultzbach (Hereditary Prince of), 12.

Susa, t., 172.

T.

Tapistry Hangings made by the famous Devos, 47.

Texeitra a rich Portuguese, 256.

Thames River, 238.

Thursday (holy) Ceremonies on that Day at Rome, 138, &c.

Tilly General, 15.

Toul, t., 9, &c.

Toulon, t., 105.

Toulouse, t., 186.

Tower of London, 247, 248.

Trevoux, t., 97.

Tschermin’s great House, 289.

Tun of Heidelberg, 18.

Turin, t., 164, &c.

Duke of Savoy’s Court and Family, 165 to 172.

An Adventure which happen’d there, 171.

Turkish Ambassador’s Entry at Vienna, 62 to 66.

Turks defeated by the Imperial Arms, 1, 3.

Tuscany, (Cosmo III. Great Duke of) how he received the Author, 119.

His Family, 120.

The Roads in this Country, 124.

V.

V——, (the Baron de) Nephew of M. de Seissan, his Character, 232.

His Fray with his Landlady, 235.

Valentinois (Duke of), 108.

Valois (Madamoiselle de), 179.

See Modena.

Var R., 106.

Vatican Palace at Rome, 129.

Pope’s Entry to it, 137.

Venice, t., 153.

Verdun, t., 24.

Vespasian’s Amphitheatre, 133.

Vesuvius M., 144.

Victor Amedeus, King of Sardinia, 167.

Vienna, t., 44.

Court, 50, 51.

Turks Attempts upon it, 45.

Vienne, in Dauphiny, t., 99.

Villa-Franca, t., 107.

Villeroy, Family, 98.

Vittoria, t., 234.

Ulm, t., 26.

Urban VIII. Pope, 127, 133, 150.

Urbino, Duchy, 150

Vriesberg (M. de) Envoy of Hanover, 272.

Ursins (Princess of), 210.

W.

Wackerbarth, Count, 66.

Wales (Prince and Princess of) their Attendants, 244.

Wenceslaus St. King of Bohemia, 288, 289.

Westminster, t., 243, &c.

Whitehall Palace, 230.

Wilhelmina-Amelia Empress Dowager, 59.

Wurtzbourg, t., 272, &c.

X.

Ximenes, Cardinal, 204.

Z.

Zeits, t., 256. See Saxe-Zeits.

Zinzendorf (Count de), 69.

FINIS.

Books Printed for D. Browne,
at the Black Swan without Temple-Bar.

1. A Sure Method of Improving Estates, by Plantations of Oak, Elm, Ash, Beech, and other Timber-Trees, Coppice-Woods, &c. Wherein is demonstrated, The Necessity and Advantages thereof; their Manner of raising, cultivating, felling, &c. in all Kinds of Soils, whereby Estates may be greatly improv’d. By Batty Langley of Twickenham. Beautifully printed in 8vo. Price 4 s.

2. The Vineyard. A Treatise, shewing 1. The Nature and Method of Planting, Manuring, Cultivating, and Dressing of Vines in Foreign Parts. 2. Proper Directions for Drawing, Pressing, Making, Keeping, Fining, and Curing all Defects in the Wine. 3. An Easy and Familiar Method of Planting and Raising Vines in England to the greatest Perfection; illustrated with several useful Examples. 4. New Experiments in Grafting, Budding, or Inoculating; whereby all Sorts of Fruit may be much more improv’d than at present; particularly, The Peach, Apricot, Nectarine, Plumb, &c. 5. The best Manner of Raising several Sorts of Compound Fruit, which have not yet been attempted in England. Being the Observations made by a Gentleman in his Travels. The Second Edition. Price 2 s. 6 d.

3. The Country Gentleman, and Farmer’s Monthly Director: Containing necessary Instructions for the Management and Improvement of a Farm, in every Month of the Year. Wherein is directed, The Times and Seasons proper for Ploughing and Sowing of all Sorts of Corn for Grain; the Planting and Managing of Hops, Liquorice, Madder, Saffron, and such other Crops as stand more than one Year on the Ground. The Time of Planting and Cutting of Coppice, or Spring of Wood, and Felling of Timber, the Breeding and Feeding of Poultry, Rabbits, Fish, Swine, and all Sorts of Cattle, with several Particulars relating to the Improvement of Bees, never before made publick. By R. Bradley, Professor of Botany in the University of Cambridge, and F.R.S. The Sixth Edition with Additions; particularly, Some Rules for Breeding Pheasants, by a Gentleman; and an Alphabetical Index.

4. The Country Housewife, and Lady’s Monthly Director, in the Management of a House, and the Delights and Profits of a Farm. Containing Instructions for managing the Brew-House, Malt Liquors in the Cellar, the Making of Wines of all Sorts. Directions for the Dairy, in the Improvement of Butter and Cheese in the worst of Soils; the Feeding and Making of Brawn; the Ordering of Fish, Fowl, Herbs, Roots, and all other useful Branches belonging to a Country Seat, in the most elegant manner for the Table. Practical Observations concerning Distilling; with the best Method of making Ketchup, and many other durable Sauces. The Whole distributed in their proper Months, from the Beginning to the End of the Year; with particular Remarks relating to the Drying or Kilning of Saffron. By R. Bradley, F.R.S. The Sixth Edition. Price 2s. 6d.

5. The Country Housewife, and Lady’s Director, Part II. Including a great Variety of Receipts for dressing all Sorts of Flesh, Fish, Fowl, Fruits, and Herbs, which are the Production of a Farm, or from any Foreign Parts: Contain’d in Letters, and taken from the Performances of the most polite Proficients in most Parts of Europe. By R. Bradley, F.R.S. To which is added, from a Poulterer in St. James’s Market, the Manner of Trussing all Sorts of Poultry; adorn’d with Cuts: Shewing how every Fowl, Wild or Tame, ought to be prepar’d for the Spit; and likewise any kind of Game. Price 2s. 6d.

6. A Dissertation concerning Misletoe: A most wonderful Specifick Remedy for the Cure of Convulsive Distempers. Calculated for the Benefit of the Poor as well as the Rich, and heartily recommended for the common Good of Mankind. The Sixth Edition corrected. To which is added a Second Part, containing farther Remarks and Observations. By Sir John Colbatch, late Member of the College of Physicians. Price 1s.

7. The Riches of a Hop-Garden Explain’d, from the several Improvements arising by that beneficial Plant, as well to Private Cultivators of it as to the Publick; with the Observations and Remarks of the most celebrated Hop-Planters in Britain: Wherein such Rules are laid down for the Management of the Hop, as may improve the most barren Ground, from One Shilling to Thirty or Forty Pounds an Acre per Annum. In which is particularly set forth, The whole Culture, from the first Breaking-up of the Ground, the Planting, &c. to the Kilning or Drying of the Hop. Rendred familiar to every Capacity. The Second Edition. By R. Bradley Professor of Botany in the University of Cambridge, and F.R.S.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Dec. 2, 1718.

[2] See Vol. I. p. 321, &c.

[3] See Vol. I. p. 276.

[4] See Vol. I. p. 273.

[5] See Vol. I. p. 258.

[6] See Vol. I. p. 212 to 215.

[7] See Vol. I. p. 268.

[8] See Vol. II. p. 364.

[9] See Vol. I. p. 364.

[10] See Vol. I. p. 224 to 257.

[11] See Vol. I. p. 87, &c.

[12] See Vol. II. p. 181.

[13] See Vol. II. p. 180.

[14] See Vol. II. p. 173, &c.

[15] See Vol. II. p. 143.

[16] See Vol. II. p. 141.

[17] See Vol. I. p. 425. Vol. II. p. 130.

[18] This Prince died in June 1737, and is succeeded by the Duke of Lorrain.

[19] She is now Regent for the Duke of Lorrain, who is at the Head of the Imperial Army against the Turks.

[20] See Vol. II. p. 1, &c.

[21] See Vol. I. p. 423.

[22] See Vol. I. p. 423.

[23] See Vol. I. p. 395, &c.

[24] See Vol. I. p. 422.

[25] See Vol. I. p. 152, 167.

[26] See Vol. II. p. 171.

[27] The Duke de la Force.

[28] Eccles. ii. 23.

[29] See Vol. II. p. 450, &c.

[30] Our Author made too short a Stay at this time in England, and was too much circumscrib’d in his Conversation while he was here; or surely he would not have ventur’d to have charg’d our Country in general with the idle Surmises of the ignorant Vulgar.

[31] Since the Author wrote, this Antipathy seems to be much abated.

[32] When our Author was here, short Cloaks were hardly in the Fashion.

[33] See Vol. I. p. 196.

[34] See Vol. I. p. 185.

[35] See Vol. I. p. 82.

[36] See Vol. I. p. 210.

[37] See Vol. I. p. 204.

TRANSCRIBER’S AMENDMENTS

Transcriber’s Note: Blank pages have been deleted. On pages that remain, some unnecessary page numbers may have been deleted when they fall in the middle of lists. Some illustrations may have been moved. Footnotes have been moved to the preceding pages. When the author’s preference can be determined, we have rendered consistent on a per-word-pair basis the hyphenation or spacing of such pairs when repeated in the same grammatical context. The publisher’s inadvertent omissions of important punctuation have been corrected. A table of contents has been added. Duplicative front matter has been removed.

The following list indicates any additional changes. The page number represents that of the original publication and applies in this etext except for footnotes and illustrations since they may have been moved.

Page          Change

3    Minister of Spoin[Spain],
7    the Kiug[King] and Queen,
11   {footnote} See Vol. I. [p.] 268.
30   the Palace of the Tuilleries[Tuileries],
113  His Catholick[Catholic] Majesty thereby order’d
114  Thunder-struck when he ready[read] this Letter,
128  there’s her Picture in a Medaillon[Medallion],
132  Galleries and an Amphitheatre, which, acccording[according]
134  a Marble Ballustrade[Balustrade], adorn’d with Statues of the
224  I saw the Court more than once at Aranjues[Aranguez],
272  the Baron de Durremberg[Duremburg];
284  but scalding hot, which is the more surprizeing[surprizing],
288  St. Winceslaus[Wenceslaus] King of Bohemia
346  the Comeing[Coming] of our Lord,

Start of text.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEMOIRS OF CHARLES-LEWIS, BARON DE POLLNITZ, VOLUME IV ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.